The runway is alive with colour and music. Samba dancers fill the stadium, their sparkling, feather-bedecked costumes painting the scene in blocks of neon green, fuchsia pink, lemon yellow and glittering gold.

In between each flock of dancers, floats the size of buses glide by – a giant turquoise bird, a nodding, pawing lion, a palatial carriage, and a cat in sunglasses are among the creations that pass as I watch from the stadium seats, energy palpably on fire as the crowd dances, cheers and sings.

I’m at the Sambadrome – Rio’s 90,000-capacity stadium, purpose-built for Carnival’s world-famous samba parades – watching as four of the city’s most elite Special Group samba schools compete for a place in the final the following weekend.

Each night across the main Carnival days, more than 15,000 samba dancers grace the floor of this open-air arena, twirling with rapid dexterity along the 700-metre runway. It’s spectacular, the joy so contagious a smile is involuntarily etched on my face from beginning to end, and the atmosphere in the crowd doesn’t wane – even when it ends at 6am.

I’m here on a six-day Rio Carnival: Sequins & the Sambadrome group tour with G Adventures, and this is just one of the many festivities across a week that’s all about freedom, energy and joy.

Street parties and samba

Built in 1984 to provide a dedicated space for Rio’s competing escolas de samba, the Sambadrome has become a mainstay during Carnival – but the city’s blocos (street parties) are just as fundamental.

These moving, samba-playing processions have been running since the early 1900s, though the origins of Carnival go further back still. Portuguese colonisers brought their celebratory traditions to Brazil in the 17th century, marking a time of revelry in the run-up to Lent (‘carne vale’ means ‘farewell to meat’ in Latin).

Samba – which emerged among West African slaves in northern Brazil before spreading to marginalised Afro-Brazilian communities around Rio – became a key part of the Carnival festivities in the 20th century. Official samba schools began forming in the 1930s, bringing the (previously criminalised) dance into the mainstream and celebrating an art form produced by Rio’s favela communities (Afro-Brazilian heritage is still at the heart).

Today more than 400 blocos take over Rio’s streets across the Carnival period, turning the entire city into a giant festival day and night, and estimated to attract around seven million partygoers in total. Revellers from across Brazil and beyond don their best glitter, feathers and fancy dress as live samba bands parade through the streets, starting as early as 8am.

At the Bloco do Sargento Pimenta, we bopped along to samba versions of The Beatles songs as the sun streamed down on an estimated crowd of 100,000. We followed as stilt-walking, ribbon-strewn performers paraded along the street, while an 11-piece brass band, Orquestra Voadora, blasted out classic samba songs and pop hits like “Billie Jean”.

At Cordão da Bola Preta, we experienced the oldest and biggest bloco in the city, dating from 1918 and today attracting hundreds of thousands of attendees; and at Banda de Ipanema, we chugged along the beach, stopping intermittently to cool off in the sea.

At other times we caught smaller processions with just a few hundred revellers. There are so many blocos it can be a little overwhelming; our G Adventures guides helped us navigate and took us to the best ones, so it’s worth considering a tour here if you want to take the hassle out (it’s also ideal if you’re a solo traveller and want to enjoy the festivities as part of a group).

All were electric, energy-filled extravaganzas that had the crowd dancing and singing along for hours, fuelled by caipirinhas and summer sun, and it was an extraordinary atmosphere – topped off with a special ‘purple party’ one night at a local beach bar, arranged exclusively for our group as part of the tour.

Having a ball

“The greatest party on earth” doesn’t end with its blocos and Sambadrome parades, though; Carnival balls have long been another key cornerstone of the celebrations, from small, modest affairs to all-out, extravagant ones.

The most famous and exclusive of them all is the Baile do Copa, which has been running at the landmark Copacabana Palace Hotel since 1924. Brazilian celebrities and politicians are known to frequent this exceptionally lavish event, with a black tie, long-dress dress code; tickets start from £600 and go into the thousands.

I managed to snag a ticket and felt like I’d stepped into another world, with room after room decked out with elaborate, carnivalesque metallic sculptures, open bars offering free-flowing champagne and cocktails, and displays of lobster, oysters and macarons overflowing from decadent tables. Live samba bands played throughout the night and into the early hours in an immersive, surreal spectacle that went on until 5am, and there was the same sense of vibrancy, exuberance and joie de vivre I’d felt at the blocos and Sambadrome.

Carnival has long been a chance for people from all walks of life to let loose, and that’s what felt special about it to me: a sense of everyone coming together to celebrate life. I’ve never felt so alive, and I wouldn’t hesitate to recommend it if you want a chance to let your hair down and escape the world for a brief, joyful and uniquely liberating – and memorable – moment in time.

Laura travelled on G Adventures’ Rio Carnival: Sequins & the Sambadrome trip (part of its 18-to-Thirtysomethings range). The 2027 group tour departs on 5 February; gadventures.com

Set during Brazil’s brutal military dictatorship in the 1970s, this political thriller is “populated by so many characters”, you may despair of keeping track of who is who, said Deborah Ross in The Spectator. But “do hang on in there”, as it repays the effort. Justly nominated for four Oscars, this is a “truly special” (if rather sprawling) film.

Wagner Moura (known for playing Pablo Escobar in the Netflix hit “Narcos”) stars as Marcelo, a widowed academic who has gone on the run from a pair of hitmen. Quite why they are targeting him isn’t initially clear but there’s a lot else to think about in the meantime: there is a “hitman hired by the hitmen”; there’s a corrupt police chief; there’s a “head-scratcher” of a sequence in which a human leg “comes to life and kicks gay people” (this is a reference to an urban legend; “Brazilians will get it, I was told”). It is, in sum, a heady mix, but it barely puts “a foot wrong”, and the performances are superb.

“If you’re expecting a Brazilian ‘Bourne’, forget it,” said Tom Shone in The Sunday Times. “For a film about a man shadowed by two assassins, ‘The Secret Agent’ has a daringly languid pace” – it takes a full hour, for instance, to be sure who Marcelo actually is. And though there are “flashes of surreal comedy”, these belie “the seriousness of what is afoot” in a place “where evil comes with a grin and a cold beer”. Gradually, “a disquieting paranoia begins to creep into everything” until “even the sunlight seems off”.

At 160 minutes, the film does teeter “on self-indulgence”, said Patrick Smith in The Independent, but it is sustained by its “energetic camerawork” and Moura’s “soulful and seductive” central performance. “Few thrillers this year will risk this much, or land it so powerfully.”

On Jan. 3, 2026, President Donald Trump authorized an attack on Venezuela that resulted in the capture of President Nicolás Maduro and his rendition to New York. Once there, he and his wife, Cilia Flores, were indicted by a federal grand jury on charges of drug trafficking and narco-terrorism.

While the episode was a departure from more recent, comparatively hands-off American policy in the region, it was very much aligned with a long post-World War II history of U.S. interventions designed to change unfriendly regimes into friendly ones. In addition to direct military interventions, the CIA supported numerous coups across the region during the Cold War.

Guatemala, 1954

The first major post-World War II intervention was in Guatemala. “Using psychological warfare, propaganda and economic pressure, the CIA helped create a rebel army that toppled the Guatemalan government” of Jacobo Árbenz in 1954, said Responsible Statecraft. The leader’s land reforms had been “met with fierce opposition from Guatemala's elite and the U.S. government, which had economic interests” tied to the United Fruit Company. As a ploy for stability, it didn’t work — Guatemala suffered through a 36-year civil war that began in 1960 and experienced multiple coups.

Cuba, 1961

In 1961, President John F. Kennedy authorized a covert program to train 1,400 Cuban exiles in Guatemala to invade and topple the still-young communist regime of Fidel Castro. A series of strategic errors, including the failure to keep the plans a secret along with a misappraisal of the Castro government’s military capabilities, led to an embarrassing disaster.

The exile force landed at the Bay of Pigs on the morning of April 17 and was immediately pinned down. More than 100 were killed and Kennedy was forced to bargain for the more than 1,200 survivors who were taken prisoner. A “major embarrassment for the United States and the Kennedy administration,” the Bay of Pigs fiasco “strengthened Castro’s power in Cuba and pushed him to pursue closer relations with the Soviet Union,” said The New York Times.

Brazil, 1964

In 1964, the U.S. threw its support behind a military coup to oust Brazilian President João Goulart. The U.S. “launched Operation Brother Sam, a plan to lend logistical support to the Brazilian military’s effort to take control of the Brazilian government,” said the Library of Congress, although “additional material support proved unnecessary” to complete the coup. The military would rule for the next 21 years as a close Cold War ally of the United States before a transition to democracy took place in 1985.

The Dominican Republic, 1965

In 1963, the U.S. had backed a coup against the democratically elected leftist government of Juan Bosch. In 1965, pro-Bosch military forces launched their own rebellion against the junta and the country was plunged into civil war. Under the pretext of protecting American citizens and preventing the emergence of another Castro-like regime, U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson authorized the deployment of 42,000 Marines to the capital of Santo Domingo on April 28, 1965, where they collaborated with forces loyal to the junta and quickly defeated the rebels.

The following year, Bosch was defeated at the ballot box by junta-backed former president Joaquín Balaguer. During 12 years of “harsh rule” under Balaguer, “democracy was trampled, corruption ran rampant and social reform was denied,” said The Wilson Center.

Bolivia, 1971

While much less well-known than the 1973 coup in Chile, the CIA also provided support in 1971 to oust the leftist government of President Juan José Torres in Bolivia. Torres was replaced by a lengthy military dictatorship led by Hugo Banzer, during which “more than 14,000 Boli­vians were arrested with­out a judi­cial order, more than 8,000 were tortured — with elec­tric­ity, water, beatings — and more than 200 were exe­cuted or dis­ap­peared,” said Harper’s Magazine. The country remains politically troubled today.

Chile, 1973

The CIA backed the ouster of the democratically elected government of socialist President Salvador Allende in 1973. While the agency had a more prominent role in a failed 1970 coup attempt ordered by U.S. President Richard Nixon, the 1973 coup is widely considered one of the worst offenses of American foreign policymakers during the Cold War. Allende committed suicide that year when it was clear the coup had succeeded. His successor, General Augusto Pinochet, ruled with an iron fist for 17 years, leaving behind a trail of “40,175 victims, including torture, executions, detentions and disappearances,” said Amnesty International.

Nicaragua, 1979

A socialist government led by the Sandinista National Liberation Front took power in Nicaragua in 1979, and the recently inaugurated administration of Ronald Reagan wanted to overthrow the government as part of its Cold War policy of “rollback” against communist regimes. Reagan “approved an operation in which the CIA would aid Nicaraguan rebel insurgents — who were fighting the newly established socialist Sandinista government — with the goal of preventing the spread of Communism,” said The Miller Center. Because Congress refused to allocate money for Reagan’s Nicaragua venture, the campaign also led to the Iran-Contra scandal when the U.S. sold weapons to Iran and used the proceeds to back the Contras.

Grenada, 1983

The long shadow of the Bay of Pigs could be seen in the U.S. invasion of the tiny Caribbean island of Grenada, with a population of less than 100,000 people, in 1983. A socialist government had seized power in a bloodless coup in 1979, led by Prime Minister Maurice Bishop. Fearing a growing alliance with Castro’s Cuba and fixated on Bishop’s plans to build an international airport capable of accommodating Soviet aircraft, President Ronald Reagan planned for an invasion and finally got his opportunity when military hardliners deposed and later executed Bishop. On Oct. 25, 1983, Reagan dispatched a small combined military force to overthrow the regime. The intervention was “popular within the United States, serving as proof of concept that Reagan was a tough anti-Communist,” said The National Interest.

Panama, 1989

Before the Persian Gulf War, President George H.W. Bush authorized an invasion of Panama to topple the country’s de facto dictator, General Manuel Noriega. It was a dizzying turn of events, given that Noriega was only recently considered a reliable Cold War ally and CIA informant who had provided intelligence to the U.S. about leftist movements for decades. But his deepening involvement with Colombia’s Medellín Cartel and increasingly authoritarian rule triggered a crisis that Bush resolved with a swift invasion that began on Dec. 20, 1989, and concluded with Noriega’s surrender to U.S. forces just two weeks later. His overthrow was a “decisive assertion of U.S. military force for a new American president in a moment of global tumult,” said The New Yorker.

Haiti, 1994

In 1991, the democratically elected president of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, was overthrown in a military coup. The resulting military junta compiled a horrific human rights record and instigated a mass migration of Haitians to the United States, which became a campaign issue in the 1992 presidential election. The new administration of Bill Clinton began preparing to overthrow the junta. Ultimately, the U.S. did not have to fire any shots. With “American planes in the air” carrying 3,900 paratroopers from the 82nd Airborne Division, the “generals buckled and agreed to leave” on Sept. 16, 1994. U.S. forces ended up facilitating the transfer of power back to Aristide rather than fighting the Haitian military. The intervention “has been all but forgotten by many Americans,” but may have been a “key contributor to many of the problems that now endure in Haiti,” said Time.

What happened

Former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro on Tuesday began his 27-year prison sentence for plotting a coup to stay in power after his 2022 election loss to President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Bolsonaro had been in police custody since Saturday, when he was detained for tampering with his ankle monitor while under house arrest. Brazil’s Supreme Court upheld his conviction and determined that he had exhausted all his appeals.

Who said what

Bolsonaro is the “first former president to be found guilty of attempting to subvert Latin America’s largest democracy,” The Washington Post said. His imprisonment was still a “surprise” to “many in the South American nation who doubted he would ever end up behind bars,” The Associated Press said. Bolsonaro will serve his sentence at the federal police headquarters in Brasília, in a special “12-square-meter room” with “a bed, a private bathroom, air conditioning, a TV set and a desk.”

President Donald Trump had deployed “some of the strongest tools at his disposal” — including tariffs on coffee and beef and sanctions on judges — to force Brazil to drop the charges against Bolsonaro, said The New York Times. “But Brazil’s institutions essentially ignored him,” and “Trump’s seeming capitulation shows that his efforts were basically for naught,” and may have even “backfired” on both him and Bolsonaro.

What next?

Bolsonaro’s lawyers pledged to “pursue an appeal to fight the conviction,” even though his conviction was just “deemed final, quashing any chance of further appeals,” CNN said. Analysts “widely expect” Bolsonaro to “remain in prison for a short time before the Supreme Court ultimately allows him to serve out the rest of his sentence at home,” the Times said.

As he arrived in Belém, Brazil, this month for Cop30, Energy Secretary Ed Miliband sought to downplay the impression of a fraying international consensus on climate action. The “action and the atmosphere” at the summit “in my view, already demonstrates that the doubters are wrong”, he said.

Although the outcome of the summit remains unclear, with delegates divided on whether to commit to a "road map" for phasing out fossil fuels, Miliband has doubled down on Britain’s commitment to tackling global warming. But the actions behind the government’s words paint a more complicated picture.

What did the commentators say?

Keir Starmer arrived in Brazil “armed with undeniable climate credentials”, said Politico’s Charlie Cooper. His government remains committed to achieving net zero by 2050, opening up clear water with the Conservatives who recently joined Reform in calling for the target to be scrapped. It can point to successes in reducing carbon emissions and promoting renewables, with a target of clean power meeting 95% of Britain’s energy demand by 2030, as well as the promise of hundreds of thousands of new green energy jobs.

At the same time, international aid spending which supports the UK’s global climate objectives has been slashed, ministers are exploring watering down a pledge to ban new licences for oil and gas exploration in the North Sea, and the Treasury is looking at easing the tax burden for fossil fuel companies. These contrasting policy positions “neatly capture the Starmer approach to climate action”, said Cooper. “If it suits the domestic economic and political agenda, great. If not, then there is no guarantee of No. 10 and Treasury support.”

The reality is that “far from leading the world on the path of righteousness, the UK is an example of how not to do energy and climate policy”, said Dieter Helm, professor of economic policy at the University of Oxford, in The Times. While UK territorial carbon emissions have been coming down, this “reflects more the transformation of the British economy, and not in a good way”. “Britain is a leader in deindustrialisation in Europe”, and much of its green energy industry relies on imports from China, who burn half the world’s coal.

Rather than inspiring the world to follow Britain’s example on climate, Starmer is “setting an example in nothing except how to ruin your economy and impoverish your people”, said The Sun.

What next?

Reform UK has launched an all-out war on what its deputy leader, Richard Tice, has called “net stupid zero”, pledging to tax solar farms and rip up green energy contracts if it wins power. The “challenge” for Miliband and his allies “will be to show that his mission is a net benefit, not a net cost”, said James Heale in The Spectator. As the economy becomes “less of a dividing line in British politics” energy policy “might take its place”.

The UK’s net-zero consensus has “broken down”, said Helm in The Times. Miliband and Starmer should “stop boasting of world leadership, stop claiming to be creating a ‘clean energy superpower’” and “face up to the facts”. The current net-zero agenda is not convincing the public or mitigating global warming: Miliband must “stop digging an ever-deeper energy policy hole”. What we need is “honesty” that meaningful decarbonisation “really costs”.

The Brazilian government has created 10 new Indigenous territories as the end of Cop30 approaches in Belém. The new legislation enshrines the protection of the environment and culture of Indigenous people living in these areas.

Opening the summit last week, Brazil’s president, Lula da Silva, said Cop30 would be “inspired by Indigenous peoples and traditional communities”, and this year’s edition welcomed the largest Indigenous delegation in the summit’s history. But talks have also been disrupted by Indigenous-led protesters who say much more needs to be done.

What did the commentators say?

The summit in Belém, which is situated at the mouth of the Amazon River system, marks an “unprecedented effort to elevate Indigenous voices”, said Danilo Urzedo, Oliver Tester and Stephen van Leeuwen on The Conversation. Around 1,000 Indigenous representatives were invited to take part in the summit, with a further 2,000 able to access spaces for activists and the public. It represents a recognition of the “unique knowledge” cultivated by Amazonian communities, those most vulnerable to the “direct consequences of climate change”.

But on Tuesday, Indigenous-led protesters clashed with security guards as they attempted to enter the conference venue, “highlighting tensions” around the Brazilian government’s claim that the summit was “open to Indigenous voices”, said Al Jazeera. Three days later, a peaceful protest prevented delegates from entering the venue for several hours.

Of particular concern is Cop30’s “emphasis on climate finance” rather than a total ban on disruptive activities like mining, logging and oil drilling in the Amazon basin. “We can’t eat money,” said one community leader.

Under the “rallying cry ‘Our land is not for sale’”, the demonstrations “brought global attention to injustices that climate politics have long tried to contain”, said The Conversation. With “unresolved land-tenure conflicts” compounded by the “rising violence faced by Indigenous communities on the frontline of climate impacts”, Cop30 and political shifts “reveal that effective environmental actions depend on dismantling power inequalities” in climate decisions.

Despite the palpable discontent, the fact that protests could even take place could be seen as a positive, said Politico. They show that “democratic” Brazil is different to previous “autocratic” hosts – Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Azerbaijan – who have “little tolerance for demonstrations”.

What next?

Last year, President Lula’s government “recognised Indigenous possession of 11 territories”, said the BBC. As well as the 10 new territories, his administration also marked an “institutional milestone” by establishing a Ministry of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil, headed by Sônia Guajajara, who “is widely recognised for her leadership and activism in defending Indigenous rights”, said EuroNews.

Officially recognising Indigenous lands, which is known as demarcation, continues to be an “arduous” process, said The New York Times. The process is “filled with logistical and bureaucratic hurdles”, and before Monday’s announcement about the 10 new territories, there were “107 Indigenous land demarcation processes awaiting a final government decision”.

“In Rio de Janeiro, the term ‘public safety’ has become synonymous with ‘public massacre’,” said Tom Farias in Folha de S. Paulo.

On 29 October, a square in the Penha neighbourhood was turned into an open-air morgue – following the deadliest police raid in our country’s history, in which some 2,500 officers swept their way through one of the city’s dirt-poor favelas, killing more than 132 suspected gang members in a so-called “defence operation”.

‘Death squads’

It was the fourth such massacre carried out under Governor Cláudio Castro – but it was by far the most barbaric. Many of the men had been shot in the back of the head, clearly executed. Their “decapitated, dismembered, stabbed and gunshot-disfigured” bodies were laid out in the streets, said an editorial in the same paper.

The executions were almost indiscriminate: of the identified dead, at least “20 had no prior police record or criminal history”, and in the aftermath, the police reportedly allowed crucial evidence to disappear. With its “death squads” and police corruption, this operation recalls the “worst moments of the military dictatorship”.

Liberal elites are horrified, said Iolanda Fonseca in The Rio Times. But favela residents “overwhelmingly back” the raid. A huge 88% of them approve of the police operation, according to a recent poll.

That’s because they know what life in the favelas is really like, said Adele Cardin in the same paper. Millions of people in these labyrinthine shanty towns now live under the total control of the terrifying Comando Vermelho (CV) crime syndicate, which over the past five decades has transformed from a bunch of “drug peddlers into sophisticated territorial overlords”.

Residents’ movements are tightly controlled between barricades made out of stolen train tracks; night-vision-equipped drones hover overhead, monitoring their every move. Inside, the CV enforces a monopoly on everything, from the sale of cooking gas (at an extortionate R$150 a bottle, compared with the statewide average of R$97), to internet access. “This isn’t just crime; it’s a parallel state trapping the poor in poverty and fear.”

‘We’ve seen this story before’

It’s true that many residents are fed up, said Ruth de Aquino in O Globo (Rio de Janeiro). But if the authorities really want to fix this problem, then what the favelas need is “genuine political will and investment” to establish a state presence that can push out the gangs. That includes providing basic sanitation, better roads and housing, and access to public facilities. A massacre like this, on the other hand, will provoke only “more hatred and revenge”.

“We’ve seen this story before,” agreed Merval Pereira in the same paper. In 2010, the army was drafted in to invade the Complexo do Alemão slum and drive out the gangs once and for all. The drug traffickers fled; the operation was declared a success. But without rigorous legislation and intelligence operations, guess what happened: “Well, they all came back.”

Half of the world’s remaining uncontacted indigenous groups face extinction within a decade due to growing contact with missionaries, miners, drug traffickers and social media influencers, a new report released by Survival International ahead of Cop30 in Brazil has warned.

The indigenous rights organisation, which has spent years compiling a comprehensive record of some of the world’s most isolated people, has identified 196 “uncontacted” communities around the world who are living “at the edge of survival”.

“These are what I would call silent genocides – there are no TV crews, no journalists. But they are happening, and they’re happening now,” said Fiona Watson, Survival’s research and advocacy director.

Who and where are they?

Uncontacted peoples are those who “reject contact with outsiders, as an active and ongoing choice”, said the charity. Some are “entire peoples who are uncontacted”, while others are “sub-groups of bigger tribes with whom they share a language and often a territory”.

“All are aware of the outside world, and reject it. They are self-sufficient and resilient. They live independently in forests, sometimes on islands. They resist intrusion, and thrive when their rights are respected.”

The Amazon basin accounts for the vast majority of these communities, with the rest living in the Asia-Pacific, including India and Indonesia.

Some romanticise them as “lost tribes” frozen in time, said Watson, but the reality is that they are contemporary societies which deliberately avoid outsiders after generations of violence, slavery and disease.

Why are they under threat?

Resource extraction is by far the biggest threat to uncontacted peoples, many of whom live on land ripe for mining, logging and agribusiness. Deforestation and infrastructure projects like roads and railways often leave food and water sources destroyed and polluted, bringing starvation.

Drug-trafficking gangs also posed an existential danger to indigenous communities, said Survival, while missionaries who are “bankrolled by multi-million-dollar evangelical organisations” to track and convert people to Christianity threaten about one in six.

A new but growing threat is the rise of “adventure-seeking tourists” and social media influencers who expose uncontacted groups to deadly diseases.

A British YouTuber known as “Lord Miles” recently boasted on social media of “his detailed plans” to illegally visit India’s North Sentinel island, home to the most isolated indigenous people in the world. US influencer Mykhailo Viktorovych Polyakov is currently on bail facing the possibility of a prison sentence after landing on the island in March and allegedly offering the indigenous Sentinelese a can of Diet Coke and a coconut.

“Indigenous people have become this spectacle. They’re here to be consumed by global audiences,” Michael Rivera, an anthropologist at the University of Hong Kong, told NBC News. “This is reproducing a sort of racial hierarchy that is positioning influencers, who tend not to be indigenous people”, at the top.

What can be done?

In 1987 Brazil, which is home to most of these groups, adopted a policy to protect isolated peoples and demarcate their land. This has “allowed many populations to grow”, said The Guardian, but in recent decades, the agency set up to protect them has been “deliberately weakened”, by successive governments. “Chronically underfunded and understaffed”, its field infrastructure is today “in tatters”.

Critics say this is because these groups do not vote and live on resource-rich land, meaning they are either ignored by their government or, worse, deliberately targeted.

Survival International has called for a global no-contact policy and urged private companies to ensure their supply chains are free of material sourced from land inhabited by indigenous groups.

But protecting uncontacted peoples will require not only “stronger laws” but also a “shift in how the world views them – not as relics of the past, but as citizens of the planet whose survival affects everyone’s future”, said The Independent.

Since Donald Trump began his second term, he has put increasing pressure on multiple Latin American nations – including US allies. And the seemingly haphazard nature of his attacks is raising questions about his motives.

The US president has imposed 25% tariffs on goods from Mexico, the US’s largest trade partner. He has threatened to seize the Panama Canal and has carried out mass – allegedly unlawful – deportations of Latin Americans. He has tried to use punitive 50% tariffs on Brazilian imports, in an attempt to influence the outcome of the trial of Brazil’s former president and Trump ally, Jair Bolsonaro.

The US military has sharply increased its presence in the southern Caribbean, deploying 10,000 troops and multiple warships and aircraft. It has struck at least seven Venezuelan vessels that Trump claimed were trafficking drugs – without offering evidence. At least 32 people have been killed as of Friday. Trump has slammed Venezuelan dictator Nicolás Maduro and admitted to authorising covert CIA operations against him.

And on Sunday, Trump escalated his feud with Colombia, one of America’s closest allies, slashing aid and increasing tariffs on its exports because it “does nothing to stop” cocaine production. Trump called Colombian president Gustavo Petro an “illegal drug leader”, after Petro accused the US of committing “murder” in the Caribbean. He warned that Petro “better close up” drug operations or the US would “close them up for him”.

What did the commentators say?

One “lament often heard from Latin America” is that the US has “paid insufficient attention to the region”, said the Center for Strategic and International Studies. But now Trump has given it “more attention in nine months than many past administrations of either party have since the Cold War” and those countries may well “regret getting what they wished for”.

The US pivot stems from a fear that, for too long, it has “prioritised power projection and policing global hotspots over attending to its ‘shared neighbourhood’”. This has led China to “expand its influence” in the region, and allowed organised crime, drug trafficking and migration to “threaten US security”. In response, Trump “seems to be adopting a ‘Monroe Doctrine 2.0’”: abandon soft-power initiatives in favour of threatening (or deploying) military force, while “relying on economic coercion” in the form of tariffs.

The problem is that the tariffs and the cutting of “already-slashed levels” of US development and aid to Colombia will “make it harder” for Bogotá to combat the cocaine trade, said Keith Johnson on Foreign Policy. Colombia is, by far, the primary source of cocaine in the US, and, historically, “the biggest chunk” of US aid “has come in the form of counternarcotics and law-enforcement support”.

“If the US were truly interested in countering drug trafficking, the last thing you would do is to alienate the one military in the region” capable of fighting drug traffickers, Elizabeth Dickinson, senior Colombia analyst at the International Crisis Group, told Johnson.

US military assets in the Caribbean “are not much use” in fighting the drug trade, said The Guardian’s foreign affairs commentator Simon Tisdall – especially if their focus is on Venezuela, through which only small quantities of cocaine are trafficked to America. So what is Trump up to here?

President Maduro claims the White House is attempting to “forcibly impose regime change” on his country and is waging “undeclared war”. Analysts suggest Trump “covets Venezuela’s abundant oil, gas and mineral resources”. And there’s a personal aspect: Marco Rubio is “a long-time critic of left-wing rulers in Cuba and Nicaragua” – for him, Maduro is “unfinished business”. But, given Trump’s “hapless blundering on other key foreign issues”, the most likely explanation is that “he hasn’t got a clue what he’s doing – in Venezuela or Latin America as whole”. There is no plan.

What next?

America is Colombia’s biggest trading partner, so Trump’s threats of further tariffs have “some potential leverage”, said Johnson on Foreign Policy. But “the pain will be felt as much by US consumers as by Colombian exporters”.

In Venezuela, the Trump administration thinks “its campaign against Maduro is working”, and that increased US military pressure will convince the Venezuelan leader “he can’t remain in power”, said The Wall Street Journal. “The idea is to make him miserable enough to go away,” a senior administration official said. But, far from weakening Maduro, it might “achieve the exact opposite”, said Tisdall in The Guardian. Maduro is using the crisis to increase his grip on power.

More broadly, Trump’s “bullying of other left-leaning Latin American countries”, including Colombia and Brazil, and his “presumptuous cheerleading for right-wing populists in Argentina and El Salvador”, is “spurring a regional backlash”. Trump’s efforts to “reprise the role of Latin American neighbourhood policeman” are ultimately “self-defeating”. Long-term, the “big winner” will be China.

Tens of thousands of Brazilians took to the streets this weekend. They protested controversial parliamentary efforts that would see former leader Jair Bolsonaro pardoned for an unsuccessful coup attempt, as well as raise the bar for future criminal proceedings against politicians. The massive anti-corruption protests, which took place in cities across all of Brazil’s 26 states and federal district, come as Bolsonaro and his allies work to negate his 27-year sentence for his role in the 2023 uprising that sought to overturn his electoral loss to current Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Bolsonaro himself is currently on house arrest while his legal team works through the appeals process.

Brazil ‘does not want impunity or amnesty’

Long before the passage last week of a measure — dubbed the “bandit bill” by critics — to potentially grant some form of amnesty to Bolsonaro and his followers, the former president had “touted legislative amnesty” as one of his “political avenues to freedom,” said Reuters. The “legality of such a move,” however, “remains contentious.” Legislative amnesty is a shortcut to “achieving some form of justice,” said Congressman Eduardo Bolsonaro, the former president’s son, to the outlet earlier this month after his father was sentenced.

Not so, said the current Brazilian president commonly known as Lula, on X Sunday. The weekend’s massive demonstrations “show that the population does not want impunity or amnesty,” Lula said. He has also pledged to veto any amnesty bill that comes to his desk.

To Lula’s point, attendance at anti-Bolsonaro protests in both Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo — estimated at 41,800 and 42,400 in turn — was the “highest for a left-wing demonstration” since Lula’s 2022 victory rally, The Associated Press said. Organizers for the Rio event used the “same location where Bolsonaro supporters usually gather, breaking with the tradition of holding rallies downtown” in an effort to “outdraw the pro-Bolsonaro crowd,” said Brazil’s Folha de S. Paulo newspaper.

A ‘shielding bill’ or simply fighting ‘judicial overreach’?

Adding to the already debate over Bolsonaro’s personal and political future is a parliamentary push to pass a constitutional amendment that would, if enacted, significantly raise the bar for future political prosecutions. Under the “so-called ‘Shielding Bill,’” legislators would be required to vote by secret ballot to “give the go-ahead for one of their own to be charged or arrested,” said Al Jazeera. Supporters have insisted the tightened criteria are necessary to combat “judicial overreach,” although both this and any potential amnesty for Bolsonaro will “face an uphill battle” in Brazil’s senate.

All this comes as Brazil finds itself under increased pressure by the Trump administration over both international trade and the treatment of longtime MAGA ally Bolsonaro by the current government. During Sunday’s demonstrations, attendees “not only rejected amnesty and expanded protections for lawmakers,” the AP said, but also stressed “national pride” while defending Brazil’s “sovereignty in response to Trump’s sanctions.”

“Congress doesn’t work; I’d stage a coup on the same day [I was elected].” That’s how former army captain Jair Bolsonaro, then a mere congressman, put it to a reporter back in 1999 when asked what he’d do if in power. And that’s what Bolsonaro is now being sent to jail for, said Bernardo Mello Franco in O Globo (Rio de Janeiro): he’s the first former president in the 136 years of the Republic of Brazil to be convicted of an attempted coup.

As soon as he’d triumphed in the 2018 election, Bolsonaro had set out to destroy the system of checks and balances established by Brazil’s 1988 constitution. Seeking to initiate a new authoritarian state, “he militarised the government; tried to stifle the opposition; attacked the press and the universities”. And when his popularity took a dive during the pandemic and he was in danger of impeachment, he renewed his assault on the judiciary and sent tanks to the doors of congress, warning he’d only leave power if “imprisoned, dead, or victorious”.

But it’s what he did after he lost the 2022 election that has led to the supreme court, by a majority of four to one, sending him to jail for 27 years. He was convicted of charges including attempted coup d’etat and inciting the mob that invaded the supreme court after his defeat; the court also heard he was involved in a plan to assassinate both President Lula, the man who replaced him, and Alexandre de Moraes, the leading supreme court judge.

And it’s important to note that high-ranking military officers were convicted alongside him, said Vinicius Torres Freire in Folha de Sao Paulo. It’s a historic milestone. If the top military men of yesteryear had known they risked jail, we might have been spared the long series of coup attempts between 1954 and 1977.

It’s a historic milestone all right, said Gazeta do Povo (Curitiba): but far from a reaffirmation of democracy, it’s a mark of “political vigilante justice”. As the one dissenting judge, Luiz Fux, pointed out, the evidence linking Bolsonaro to the mob attack was strikingly feeble. The case should have been tried by a full bench of 11 judges, not a panel of five, one of whom, Justice Moraes, was clearly biased. “Democracy isn’t strengthened by legally fragile convictions.”

On the contrary, the verdict sends a clear message “that justice can punish those who undermine the constitutional order and institutions from within”, said Naiara Galarraga Gortázar in El País (Madrid). But it may be only a temporary victory. Bolsonaro was already prohibited by law from running for office for eight years, but his supporters are campaigning to get congress to approve an amnesty. And his Liberal Party remains a very powerful force in Brazil’s politics, especially among the so-called “bible, beef and bullets” bloc of voters, said Christopher Sabatini on Chatham House. His conviction has already drawn thousands to the streets in protests. And, of course, he has the support of Donald Trump.

That he does, said Susan Stokes in the Los Angeles Times. Trump has damned the trial of his fellow right-winger as “a witch hunt”. In a clear but counterproductive attempt to influence the outcome of the trial, he imposed 50% tariffs on Brazil’s exports and placed sanctions on Justice Moraes. After all, Bolsonaro is a man built in Trump’s image, a man who, like him, has used his time in office to undermine independent public institutions and democratic accountability; a man who tried to cling to power after losing an election. That is why this verdict is such a breakthrough. For all its many problems, “the second-largest country in our hemisphere is schooling us in what democratic accountability looks like”.

What happened

Brazil’s Supreme Court on Thursday convicted former President Jair Bolsonaro of conspiring to thwart his 2022 presidential election loss by plotting a coup. The justices, who found Bolsonaro guilty in a 4-1 vote, sentenced him to 27 years and three months in prison. They also handed down long sentences to four of Bosonaro’s seven co-conspirators, including two former defense ministers and a former spy chief.

Who said what

The verdict made Bolsonaro the “first former Brazilian president to be convicted of attempting a coup” in a country that has endured several successful ones, The Associated Press said. The 70-year-old former army captain has “never hid his admiration for the military dictatorship that killed hundreds of Brazilians between 1964 and 1985,” Reuters said.

Brazil “almost returned to its 20-year dictatorship because a criminal organization, comprised of a political group, doesn’t know how to lose elections,” Justice Alexandre de Moraes said before casting his guilty vote. “And the evidence is abundant.” The coup plot, detailed in a two-year police investigation, envisioned dissolving the Supreme Court, giving sweeping powers to the military and assassinating the election winner, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, plus Moraes and other officials.

Bolsonaro maintained his innocence, but “as the trial marched toward a verdict over the last two weeks,” he “found himself abandoned by some allies accused of plotting the coup alongside him,” The New York Times said. He “also faced damaging testimony from his personal secretary and records showing that the assassination plot was printed out and brought to the presidential palace.” The expected guilty verdict led Bolsonaro to “place his faith in a Hail Mary from abroad,” President Donald Trump, who unsuccessfully “sought to force Brazil to drop the case” by imposing “eye-watering 50% tariffs” and hitting Moraes with “some of the harshest sanctions the United States has at its disposal.”

What next?

As “many Brazilians began celebrating” the verdict, “authorities braced for a backlash from the White House,” The Wall Street Journal said. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said on social media that the Trump administration “will respond accordingly to this witch hunt.”

The closing phase of the trial of Brazil's former president Jair Bolsonaro – dubbed the "Trump of the tropics" – begins today: the first case of its kind in the country's turbulent history.

The popular far-right figure is accused of plotting to overthrow his left-wing rival, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, after losing his bid for re-election in 2022. The full ruling, by five judges in Brasília's Federal Supreme Court, is expected to be delivered by 12 September. A guilty verdict could send Bolsonaro to jail for decades, and further inflame his idol to the north, Donald Trump.

What is Bolsonaro accused of?

Attempting to use military force to overthrow democracy. After narrowly losing the presidential run-off against Lula in October 2022, Bolsonaro "declared the ballot rigged", said The Economist, and "used social media to urge his supporters to rise up". He allegedly tried to persuade military leaders to back a "correction" of the election, but failed to get enough support and left for the US.

On 8 January 2023, thousands of Bolsonaro's supporters attacked key government buildings in an echo of the 6 January attacks on the US Capitol in 2021. A federal investigation into the riots found evidence of a "criminal organisation" that had "acted in a coordinated manner" to keep Bolsonaro in power. The report alleged that Bolsonaro planned the attempted coup, which included a plot to assassinate Lula.

What does Bolsonaro say?

The former president and his alleged co-conspirators deny the charges, calling them "grave and baseless". He claims to be a victim of political persecution, but has admitted considering "alternative" ways of holding on to power after his defeat.

Bolsonaro insists he will challenge Lula for the presidency in next year's election, but the Supreme Court has banned him from seeking office until 2030 for spreading disinformation about Brazil's voting system. He was also placed under house arrest in August after violating a court order banning him from using social media.

How is Donald Trump involved?

Trump is Bolsonaro's "most powerful foreign friend", said The Guardian. The US president has "waded into the courtroom drama", imposing 50% tariffs on Brazilian imports in retaliation for what he calls a "witch hunt" against his ally.

His administration has also imposed Magnitsky sanctions on Alexandre de Moraes, the judge leading the case against Bolsonaro – measures usually reserved for those accused of "gross" human rights abuses.

Bolsonaro's son, congressman Eduardo, has relocated to the US and "busied himself lobbying Trump officials to target Brazil's top tribunal and Lula allies". But analysts believe the "US coercion campaign will fail to sway the judges".

Last week Brazilian police recommended more charges against Bolsonaro and his son, accusing them of obstruction of justice and interfering with the trial, citing Eduardo's meetings with White House officials. "Brazil will not give in to pressure," Moraes told The Washington Post last month. Brazil is "independent".

Why is the trial so significant?

Bolsonaro and his co-defendants, including a military admiral and three generals, are likely to be found guilty, which could exacerbate Brazil's febrile political landscape.

Brazil has endured 14 coup attempts and a brutal military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985 – a living memory for many. However, the country has "traditionally chosen conciliation over prosecution when it comes to alleged crimes against the democratic state".

But when democracy was restored, Brazil "began building a legislative framework to prevent another backslide into authoritarianism". These laws are "the basis for the charges against Bolsonaro".

President Donald Trump's surprise announcement on Wednesday that the White House planned to levy a 50% tariff on Brazilian imports has sent shockwaves through both countries, leaving consumers and producers scrambling to assess the full impact.

But as Trump made clear, the tariffs aren't borne of economic necessity, since the United States currently runs a trade surplus with Brazil. Instead, the proposed fees are a vector for political leverage on behalf of former Brazilian President and MAGA ally Jair Bolsonaro, who is under investigation for attempting to overturn his 2022 electoral loss to President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

Tariffs are about 'more than just trade'

Although in the past year Brazil has purchased nearly $7.5 billion more American goods than vice versa, the South American nation has "historically run a small trade deficit with the U.S.," said TS Lombard economic analyst Elizabeth Johnson to Al Jazeera. But as Trump's bombastic letter notifying da Silva of the looming tariffs made clear, the move is "very much political," coming as part of the Bolsonaro family's effort to "get Trump to weigh in on the ongoing trial of Jair Bolsonaro." The "overtly political tone" of Trump's missive was a "break" from the dozens of other tariff notifications sent over the past week, said Politico, even as it falls "in line with Trump's belief that tariffs are about more than just trade," to be used as "leverage" to "pressure countries to cave on any number of different issues."

Given that Trump's "Liberation Day" tariffs are "supposedly about national security and reducing trade deficits," it's "more than a little odd" that his letter "begins with a rant about a 'witch hunt' against Bolsonaro," said National Review. There is "no economic factor that "justifies a measure of this size," said Ricardo Alban, the head of Brazil's National Industry Confederation, to The Wall Street Journal. Trump is simply "taxing American consumers to try to do a favor for one of his political allies," said NPR's Kai Ryssdal on Bluesky.

An 'authoritarian fantasy' that's 'doomed to fail'

The sudden imposition of 50% tariffs has left Brazil, South America's largest economy, with "few options to deescalate," Reuters said, but Trump "may have overestimated the country's vulnerability to the levies." While the high tariffs will still be "painful," Brazil is a "long way from having the same vulnerability" other targeted nations face, particularly in the short term, one Brazilian diplomat told the news service.

Trump's "crude attempt at blackmail" against Brazil's political system is an "authoritarian fantasy" that is "doomed to fail," said the Folha de S.Paulo newspaper. The threat "will have no effect" on Bolsonaro's trial, and "may end up worsening" the related legal troubles of Eduardo Bolsonaro, son of the former president. Conversely, the tariffs could end up bolstering de Silva and his government. The "forces" that Trump's actions can "unleash in Brazil, like anti-Americanism, are very significant,” said Oliver Stuenkel, a professor of international relations at Brazil's Getulio Vargas Foundation, to The Wall Street Journal.

Brazilians will be "incredibly offended" by Trump's "counterproductive" threat, said former Obama administration diplomat to Latin America, Stephen McFarland, to Politico. If enacted, these tariffs will result in a "strong nationalist reaction that ironically will boost" da Silva, and Brazilian conservatives will be stuck trying to "clap for somebody who's trying to humiliate a Brazilian president."

What happened

President Donald Trump Wednesday announced plans to impose a 50% tariff on all Brazilian imports, in part due to the treatment of its far-right former leader Jair Bolsonaro. In a letter posted on social media, Trump accused Brazil's President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of leading a "witch hunt" against Bolsonaro, who is facing prosecution over his alleged role in a plot to overturn the country's 2022 election. The threatened tariffs on Brazil, Latin America's biggest economy, would be the highest yet imposed on any nation by the Trump administration.

Who said what

In his letter to the Brazilian president, commonly known as Lula, Trump blasted the treatment of his ally Bolsonaro as an "international disgrace" and said his trial "should end IMMEDIATELY!" In response, Lula said Brazil would "not accept being abused by anyone."

This tariff hike is clearly "tied to the fact that Lula beat Trump's friend," former U.S. trade official Brad Setser told Reuters, and it "shows the danger of having tariffs that are under the unilateral control of one man." This is "about punishment, not trade," said Bloomberg, and Trump is emboldened by "the lack of any serious negative effects" so far from his trade war.

What next?

Brazil imported over $42 billion in goods to the U.S. last year, from crude oil to steel and coffee, but this 50% blanket tariff threatens the "potential collapse of a trading relationship with one of the few countries where the U.S. runs a trade surplus," said Axios. Trump's letter said the new rate would take effect on August 1.

There's a surprising link between infants taken to hospital in Brazil seeking medical help and a baby taken into parliament by a Brazilian politician: they're not real.

Known as "reborn dolls", these "hyper-realistic" baby figures have taken off in the South American country, reported AP, but not everyone thinks this trend is healthy.

Eerie resemblance

If you "blink", you could "mistake" them for the real thing, said the South China Morning Post. Bearing an "eerie resemblance to an actual infant", the dolls "cry, suck dummies, pee, and have nails, eyelashes and veins". Unlike the "waxy, smooth complexion" of traditional dolls, they have realistically "puckered features and blotchy skin".

They first arrived in the United States in the early 1990s, "targeting adults chiefly", but in recent years their popularity has "rocketed" in Brazil. Costing from 700 reals (£91) to nearly 10,000 reals (£1,300), the dolls are used for grief therapy or parenting practice, said AP. A shop owner in Sao Paulo said that the popularity of the dolls, and the associated controversy, means they're "locking up the store more" and "adding cameras".

Online influencers have staged "birth simulations and strolls in shopping malls" with the hand-crafted baby figures, creating videos that have gone "viral". Last month, several dozen "reborn mothers" gathered at a park in Sao Paulo for a 10th annual meet-up, with their babies.

'Deranged' hobby

Social media has "erupted" in response to this trend, with posts "condemning" it as "deranged" or "dismissing it as a harmless hobby", said the South China Morning Post.

Some politicians have called for "reborn" mothers to be offered psychological help, but others are less compassionate, calling for punishments for people who allegedly use their "babies" to "jump the queue for public services".

One legislator, the evangelical pastor Manoel Isidorio, recently took his "granddaughter" to parliament and argued that playing with dolls is "not a sin".

Other collectors have weighed in. "I love reborns, despite the hate we see out there," Berenice Maria, a longtime collector who owns eight dolls, told AP. "I want the right to go out with them…go to the mall, go to the park."

Another collector, Gabi Matos, told the South China Morning Post that the criticism is sexist because "male hobbies like video games, flying kites, playing football are normalised" and "no one says that they are too old to do these things", yet women can't "take care of their dolls without people thinking we are sick".

Scorpions are "taking over" Brazil's cities, scientists have warned. And with these infestations comes a huge rise in stinging incidents, some of them fatal, and often caused by Brazilian yellow scorpions, known for their extremely toxic venom.

Climate change and urbanisation have been blamed for the exploding scorpion population and, experts say, it might already be impossible to stop.

Deadly venom

More than 1.1 million scorpion stings were reported in Brazil between 2014 and 2023: with a 155% rise in reports over that period, according to a study published in Frontiers in Public Health. The surge in numbers is "driven by rapid, unplanned urbanisation", said The Guardian. The sprawl of "high-density housing" encroaches on scorpions' natural habitats in the wild, and "poor waste disposal" creates new environments where they can "thrive".

This "rampant urbanisation" also "scares away scorpions' natural predators, such as lizards and birds", and "boosts the number of available cockroaches", which make "tasty meals" for the arachnids, said Phys.org. As a result, scorpions have become "the most lethal venomous animal" in Brazil, with 152 deaths from scorpion stings last year, compared to 140 deaths from snake bites.

The native Brazilian yellow scorpion is the most deadly scorpion in South America: its venom can kill a human within a few hours. And as climate change raises temperatures, these creatures are "more active, eating more and reproducing more".

'Herculean task'

Venomous scorpions have "already claimed their place, alongside violent crime and brutal traffic" as the "chronic problems" Brazilian city-dwellers must "cope with daily", wrote Hamilton Coimbra Carvalho, a researcher at the University of São Paulo, on The Conversation in 2019.

The government seems "ill-equipped" for the "Herculean, if not downright impossible", task of tackling the infestations, with no plan other than "tepid" efforts to train health officials in "scorpion risk". It's likely already to be "too late" to stop the spread of scorpions across Brazil's cities.

But the arachnids are "not our enemies", Manuela Berto Pucca, from São Paulo State University, told The Guardian. As "part of the natural world", they play "essential ecological roles", from "controlling pest populations to maintaining biodiversity". And, crucially for the humans who live alongside them, they "act defensively, not offensively".

New York is not the only city that never sleeps. In Berlin, Rio, Seoul and Accra, the night never has to end. Clubs, bars and restaurants are open until the wee hours — if they even close at all. For entertainment from sunset to sunrise, these seven destinations are tops.

Accra, Ghana

The parties start outside in this coastal city, with revelers flocking to "rooftop bars, open-air concerts, live DJ sets and art festivals," Accra expert Kofi Dotse said to Time Out. Every night of the week, Accra's "vibrant" streets are "buzzing with food vendors and music," and those wanting to dance under the moonlight know to visit Labadi Beach for its all-night bashes. For "high-energy clubbing," visit "iconic venues" like South Village for its warehouse parties and Alley Bar.

Berlin, Germany

Berlin is where "anything goes," the BBC said, with clubbers bouncing from "techno temples" to "hedonistic hideouts" to "multi-day raves in former Cold War bunkers." There are often rules in place to protect the sanctity of partying, like no phones allowed inside, and brace yourself for bouncers who strictly control who enters. There is no official closing time for venues in Berlin and buses are always running, making a night of revelry easy.

Budapest, Hungary

For an only-in-Budapest experience, head to a "ruin bar" — an old, dilapidated building transformed into an establishment offering "drinking, dancing and socializing in a slightly shabby but always charming setting," Lonely Planet said. In the Jewish Quarter, these bars, each one with its own character, can primarily be found behind the Great Synagogue. The "granddaddy of them all" is Szimpla Kert, the first to open and "arguably the best and bawdiest of the bunch," with multiple rooms offering different vibes.

Guadalajara, Mexico

In Guadalajara, you can do just about anything once the sun goes down. A night out may include "world-class cuisine or bacon-wrapped hot dogs, a symphony concert or a raucous lucha libre (wrestling) match," Lonely Planet said. Find a traditional cantina like Cantina La Fuente, the oldest watering hole in the city, order a beer or tequila and then see where the evening takes you. Guadalajara is also "one of the most accepting and inclusive" spots in Mexico for LGBTQ+ people, with an annual Pride festival and many gay bars.

Montreal, Canada

Montreal is "unapologetically modern," Condé Nast Traveler said, for an "incredibly historic" city. Nightlife can be found most everywhere, from Quartier des Spectacles, the "beating heart of arts and culture," to Gay Village and its famed Cabaret Mado drag bar, both of which are "a little gritty, a little sparkly and utterly fabulous." Sports fans can also get in on the action, attending a Montreal Canadiens hockey game at Bell Center before dinner and a bar crawl. Night owls, take note: Plans are in the works for the city to have an all-night district where venues can stay open and serve alcohol 24/7.

Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Of course the home of the world's biggest Carnival celebration is going to be a nightlife hotspot. Rio de Janeiro has a well-earned reputation as "one of the most epic party cities on the planet," Travel and Leisure said, with the "beats of samba de rodas, the country's best-known musical form," echoing across neighborhoods.

Lapa's bohemian bars "still enchant locals and visitors alike," and travelers who like to be ahead of the curve should check out the trendy Morro do Pinto. The Botafogo district melds food and entertainment at "up-and-coming gastronomic hotspots like Alba and Vian Cocktail Bar" that turn into "dance floors on the weekend," said Time Out Rio de Janeiro editor Renata Magalhaes, who noted the city's street scenes are "livelier" than ever.

Seoul, South Korea

Seoul "truly comes alive at night," Cosmopolitan UK said, with bars, karaoke spots, restaurants and shops open "well into the early hours." The city has "distinct pockets boasting a different vibe," with Hongdae featuring "themed photo booths on basically every corner" and Seongsu-dong "packed with edgy cocktail bars." Go to any section of Seoul and you will find "throwback dive bars and strobe-lit nightclubs," Lonely Planet said. It is not unusual for partiers to stay out until morning, "rallying outside convenience stores at 7 a.m."

This powerful Oscar-nominated drama is about the real-life kidnapping and murder of a former congressman in 1971, during Brazil's military dictatorship, said Kevin Maher in The Times. Up for best picture, best actress and best international film, it's made by the Brazilian director Walter Salles, who got to know the subject's family as a boy.

This isn't "another South American dictatorship drama", however; instead, it is one of the great films about motherhood, because once the politician has been snatched from the family home in Rio de Janeiro, the focus turns to his wife, Eunice Paiva (the "phenomenal" Fernanda Torres), and what follows as she searches for justice and closure over the next 40 years. "Best actress Oscar for Torres? Worth a flutter."

Torres gives a performance of great "subtlety and dignity" as a woman having to shield her five children from despair, said Peter Bradshaw in The Guardian. But her character is so self-controlled – she doesn't cry once – that the film feels "numbed and sometimes even strangely placid". Still, "this might well be precisely the experiences of the families of the 'disappeared', their emotional responses stunted and amputated by the state".

For me, the standout moment of this "superb" film comes when the family relocates to São Paulo, and one of the couple's daughters sits on the doorstep of the house they're about to leave, said Wendy Ide in The Observer. Her face "a mask of grief", she leans "towards the now empty rooms as though drawn by the magnetic pull of happier times". It was in this moment, we later learn, that she "'buried' her father, realising then that he wasn't coming home". I have watched the film three times, and "this achingly sad single shot has broken me every time".

Hosting the Oscars is one of the most thankless jobs in show biz. Nevertheless, beloved late-night comedian Conan O'Brien will take the stage at Los Angeles' Dolby Theatre on March 2 for the 2025 Academy Awards.

Between the recent wildfires that have devastated Hollywood and the ongoing controversy over nominee "Emilia Pérez," this year's show is shaping up to be an interesting one. Here's a walk through Oscars history, past and present.

Who votes on the Oscars?

Oscar winners are voted on by members of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, comprising a range of professionals from the film industry that includes actors, writers, directors, costume designers, makeup artists and producers. New members are invited to join the ranks annually, though ever since #OscarsSoWhite in 2015 — a social justice campaign calling attention to an industry focus on awarding white male talent — the Academy has "moved away from its elitist tendencies and toward embracing younger and more diverse artists and executives from all over the world," said IndieWire. As of 2024, the total number of voting Academy members reached 9, 934, with 35% identifying as women, 20% from underrepresented ethnic and racial communities and 20% from countries outside the U.S.

What are the records to beat?

More than 3,000 Oscars have been awarded since 1929, and three films are tied for securing the most wins of all time, each receiving 11 statues total: "Ben-Hur" (1959), "Titanic" (1997) and "The Lord of the Rings: the Return of the King" (2003). The individual winner of the most awards remains Walt Disney, who took home 26 Oscars (four were honorary awards). The actor with the most accolades is Katharine Hepburn, who won four times, with the last time being for "On Golden Pond" (1981). Daniel Day-Lewis is the "only man with three Oscars for Best Actor," said CBS News, for "My Left Foot" (1989), "There Will be Blood" (2008) and "Lincoln" (2013).

Viewership for the Oscars has largely declined over the years. "The last time the show drew more than 40 million viewers was 2014," said USA Today, citing Nielsen ratings. "The show's record viewership came in 1998 when 'Titanic' dominated the awards and drew in over 55 million viewers." By contrast, the 2024 broadcast brought in only 19.5 million viewers.

What categories have been added?

The first new Oscar category added in over 20 years will be "achievement in casting," set to debut in 2026. As of now, "it's unclear what will constitute award-winning casting," said Herb Scribner at The Washington Post. "Would the Academy favor a blockbuster packed with world-class actors such as 'Oppenheimer'? Or a casting director who discovers Hollywood's next star, or finds the perfect doppelgänger to play a historical figure?"

Prior to the new casting award, the Academy's latest category addition was Best Animated Feature, first awarded to "Shrek" in 2001. There has also been pressure to add a stunt category: The Oscars dubbed stunt performers the "unsung heroes" of cinema at last year's ceremony.

What nominations or wins will be historic this year?

Walter Salles' true-life family drama "I'm Still Here" is the first fully Brazilian-produced movie to be nominated for Best Picture. If the film's star, Fernanda Torres, takes home the gold for Best Actress, she will also be the inaugural Brazilian to do so. She is only the second Brazilian actor to ever be nominated in the category's history. The first was her mother, Fernanda Montenegro, who earned a nod for "Central Station" (1998). The two women "join a historic short list of other Oscar-nominated mother-daughters," said Elle, including Judy Garland and Liza Minnelli and Janet Leigh and Jamie Lee Curtis.

Karla Sofía Gascón, who is the first openly trans actor ever nominated for an Oscar for "Emilia Pérez," may additionally become the first trans actor to ever win. Despite the recent backlash over Gascón's unearthed social media posts and director Jacques Audiard's tone-deaf approach to Mexican culture, the Spanish-language musical is up for numerous awards, including Best Picture. This marks the first time since 1969 that two musicals have been up for the award simultaneously, as "Wicked" is also nominated.

The Royal Academy's new survey of Brazilian modernism is a show to warm a "sun-starved soul", said Alastair Sooke in The Daily Telegraph. It is "awash" with images of "far-flung climes", and teems with "jungly forests", "coffee plantations and banana groves" and "dense, jerry-built favelas". There are "resplendent Afro-Brazilian deities", "barefoot children flying kites", "suave, white-clad tennis players", among many other things.

The show focuses on the work of ten very different artists who were active between the 1910s and the 1970s. Few will be familiar to British visitors and none shared any particular style in common, but all absorbed the radical modernist trends coming out of Europe and refracted them through a distinctly Brazilian filter. Featuring more than 130 works, almost all of which are paintings, the exhibition contains some remarkable discoveries, from the "delightful, optimistic" 1920s works by Tarsila do Amaral to a late-1950s image by the Italian-born Alfredo Volpi composed of "shapes like flying molars" hovering against a light pink background. Not everything here is so successful, but "if you wish to be transported, for an hour or two, to another time and place, then this show should provide satisfaction".

"Brasil! Brasil!" plunges us into "the early avant garde of a nation convulsed by dictatorships and coups", said Laura Cumming in The Observer. Indeed, such is the focus on political history that the art frequently feels like an afterthought. There are a few great things: Rubem Valentim (1922-1991), in particular, is a "wonderful discovery", his "ultra-sharp geometric paintings and gleaming wooden constructions" incorporate a host of symbols – arrows, circles, triangles – significant in the Afro-Brazilian Candomblé religion. By and large, however, this is "a lavish exhibition of bafflingly weak art" – a "weird mishmash of weakly adapted pastiches of European modernism" and "crude socialist realism". Do Amaral's "Second Class" (1933), for instance, is a piece of "woeful agitprop", depicting "barefoot Brazilians as mawkish puppets with uniform faces". Honestly, "I am sorry I saw this painting".

The mediocrity is made all the more baffling because Brazil really did produce some "highly original and globally renowned modern art", said Jonathan Jones in The Guardian. Whereas American postwar abstraction was "splashy and expressive", Brazil's was "hard" and "mathematical". We do see hints of this: Geraldo de Barros "designs and colours with precision", cutting up and intersecting rectangles and triangles, or finding geometric patterns in his photos of city streets. The rest, alas, largely consists of "lightly cubist portraits, tropical forest scenes heavily influenced by Rousseau and the obligatory depictions of poverty". It's devoid of "funk and fun". "What a waste to stage such a self-deluded bore of a show in the grandest exhibition rooms in Britain."

Royal Academy, London W1. Until 21 April

An enormous expanse of barren white sand dunes enclosing vast freshwater lagoons, Brazil's Lençóis Maranhenses is a place of otherworldly splendour, said Michael Snyder in Travel + Leisure.

A national park since 1981, it covers an area of 600 square miles adjacent to the Atlantic coast, just three degrees below the equator in the northeast of the country. Exploring it is a near-hallucinatory experience. The dunes march on to infinity, each curving as voluptuously as a building by Oscar Niemeyer. The pools, which are filled in the rainy season, are so clear and blue that swimming in them feels "like swimming in the sky". And the park's surroundings are wild and lush, making the journey along the coast to reach it slow and complicated, but rewarding too.

Lençóis Maranhenses means "the bedsheets of Maranhão", the state in which this landscape lies. To get there, I flew from São Paulo to Jericoacoara, a beach resort about 160 miles east of the park, then travelled with a guide by 4WD over several days, eventually crossing the park to reach the fishing village of Santo Amaro, on its western edge. Tourism is a fairly new business in this remote corner of Brazil, but in recent years a few boutique hotels have opened. Among the best are Baía das Caraúbas, "a dreamy cluster of bungalows on a stretch of virgin beach" near Jericoacoara; La Ferme de Georges, in the village of Atins (where my private verandah was "under a pergola of wild cashew trees"); and Oiá, an art-filled hotel on the edge of Santo Amaro.

We took a day to cross the "expansive" Parnaíba River delta, navigating its labyrinthine channels and mangroves by boat, and stopping to watch capuchin monkeys playing in the treetops. And equally magical was a journey over the dunes to a beach that felt like "the edge of the Earth" – but beyond which lay a "modest" family restaurant, Toca da Guaaja, where we feasted on a sublime sea bass and coconut stew.

Specialist tour operators include Dehouche, Journey Latin America and Plan South America.

A public showdown between the leaders of the US and Colombia has rippled across Latin America, increasing the anxiety many nations felt about the return of Donald Trump.

On Sunday, Trump imposed 25% tariffs on trade with Colombia after President Gustavo Petro turned back US military flights carrying deported Colombian migrants. The "dramatic clash" unsettled a region already reeling from Trump's threatened tariffs on Mexico, his anti-immigration policies, and his threat to take control of the Panama Canal, said the Financial Times. China will likely view Trump's unpredictability as "an ideal opportunity".

What did the commentators say?

The "dust-up" showed yet again that Latin America will "bear the brunt" of Trump's policies, said CNN's Patrick Oppmann. The rift "immediately galvanised" the region, with some leaders "quick to cheer Petro on".

Latin America accounts for 21.3% of the US's foreign trade, according to the UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean: more than $1 trillion. By treating Latin American nations as if they were "still banana republics that would bend over backward to fulfil the US government's wishes", wrote Cruz Bonlarron Martínez in The Hill, Trump "gravely underestimates their power as a united bloc".

But it's not a united bloc, said Flavia Bellieni Zimmermann in the Australian Institute of International Affairs. Trump can call on two "key strategic allies", including Argentina's Maga-adjacent Javier Milei and Brazil's former far-right president Jair Bolsonaro, who is seeking a comeback.

So far, Brazil's centre-left President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has taken a "cautious approach" towards Trump, said Andre Pagliarini in The New Republic. There is currently "no clear coordinated strategy among Latin American leaders" for dealing with Trump.

Perhaps, but most "do not like how the US government is behaving", said Quico Toro in The Atlantic. "Trump's hyper-aggressive approach to Latin America risks tying up the region with a bow and leaving it on Beijing's doorstep."

What next?

Xiomara Castro, the president of Honduras and head of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (Celac), called an emergency summit of the region's leaders following a request from Petro, which takes place tomorrow. The summit of the "leftist" regional body could "revive a unified anti-Trump block", said CNN's Oppmann.

Regardless of Trump's threats, Latin American leaders are unlikely to defer to Trump, said Michael Shifter, a fellow at the Inter-American Dialogue think-tank in Washington.

"Celac is the platform for China in Latin America," he told the FT. The summit is "a kind of proxy for showing [Washington] that if [it is] really going to punish us, then China's willing to fill the gap".

Stretching across 2.6 million square miles and eight countries and filled with more than 3 million species of plants and animals, the Amazon rainforest is a wild and wonderful place. There are multiple ways to explore this integral part of South America and a lot to consider when planning a trip, including the fragility of the ecosystem and the millions of people who live there. There are 400 Indigenous and ethnic Amazonian groups who live amid the trees and along the rivers and streams.

Understanding the Amazon

The Amazon rainforest is the most biologically diverse area on the planet. Sloths, pink dolphins, poison dart frogs, toucans and piranhas all call it home, with new species constantly being discovered. Dense forests cover 1.4 billion acres of the landscape, and because of its "essential role" in the Earth's oxygen and carbon dioxide cycles, the Amazon is known as the "lungs of the planet," the BBC said.

About 60% of the Amazon is in Brazil, but the Amazon spans Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Peru, Suriname, Venezuela and French Guiana, an overseas department of France. Most of the 40 million people who live in the Amazon are in urban centers, the World Wildlife Fund said, and rely on the rainforest's "natural bounty for food, shelter and livelihoods."

What can you see in the Amazon?

Visitors to the Amazon who expect a "Discovery Channel-like experience" with "jaguars in every tree" and "anacondas on every shore" will be disappointed, Lonely Planet said. Instead, the "quintessential experiences" are more "sublime than superlative," like canoeing, hiking under the tree canopy or boating up the Amazon River.

Even though the elusive jaguar may not cross your path, wildlife and birdwatching should be at the top of your agenda. The "pristine" Baixo Rio Branco extractive reserve in Brazil is an "outstanding place to immerse yourself in the best the Amazon has to offer," with "excellent" wildlife watching amid an "immaculate" forest "teeming with birds and animals" like macaws and howler monkeys.

Wonders are not just spotted on land. The Meeting of the Rivers is the confluence between the whitewater Amazon and blackwater Rio Negro, one of "nature's marvels," The Guardian said. Because the Amazon is several degrees cooler than the Rio Negro, they run side by side for miles without mixing. It is a popular sight on boat tours and river expeditions.

The Amazon's largest city is Manaus, Brazil, a "breakneck jungle metropolis" with "far-flung foods, frenetic markets and river-driven way of life," Lonely Planet said. Attend an opera performance at the "opulent" Teatro Amazonas, constructed during the city's rubber boom during the late 1800s, and check out MUSA in the Adolpho Ducke Forest Reserve, with its museum, sensory garden, aquarium and observation tower.

Many Amazonian adventures begin and end in Manaus, but consider launching a trip outside of Brazil. "Colombia's slice of the Amazon isn't as well-known," Medellín travel advisor Boris Seckovic said to Travel and Leisure, and it is "almost better that way." There are "far fewer people here," giving you a "much better chance of encountering wildlife."

How to visit responsibly

The Amazon's "precious ecosystem" is under attack, with threats from "huge-scale farming and ranching, infrastructure and urban development, unsustainable logging, mining and climate change," the World Wildlife Foundation said. Acres of rainforest are being decimated daily, and while trees in the Amazon are still holding about 56.8 billion metric tons of carbon, fires being intentionally set to clear land are tipping the Amazon toward being a "net carbon source." This is why visitors to the Amazon are asked to tread lightly and respect both the land and its inhabitants.

Simple rules to follow include carrying out trash you bring into the rainforest, listening to the biologists and guides leading treks and staying a safe distance from wildlife. When choosing accommodations, go with eco-lodges that work with or are run by the local community and focus on habitat and wildlife protection.

The Cristalino Lodge in Brazil is a "collection of small bungalows, with hammocks strung on the porches" spread out "among flower beds and forest paths," Travel and Leisure said. Visitors are paired with naturalist guides who take them on forest walks and river excursions twice a day. Water is heated by solar energy, and the "splendid" meals are made with local ingredients like acai and cassava.

In every corner of the globe, cultures and communities have their own special New Year's Eve traditions they believe will usher in 365 days of health, wealth or good luck. Experiencing these rituals where they originated is a treat, but you can also learn about and appreciate them from afar, celebrating the ones that resonate from the comfort of home.

Burn something

Setting things on fire is a common New Year's Eve ritual. Some believe it allows you to let go of painful things that happened during the year, others see it as an act of purification that will prepare you for what is ahead. In Ecuador, people burn photos they no longer want to exist or turn "sawdust-filled dummies" into politicians and "pop-culture figures" and set them alight at midnight as a "sort of cleansing ritual," Good Housekeeping said. To rack up "extra good-luck points," participants attempt to "jump over the flames 12 times, once for every month."

Across the world in Fort Kochi, India, an old man effigy known as Pappanji is burned at midnight. This symbolizes the end of a year, and there are two schools of thought on how this tradition started. Some think it dates to Christmas celebrations the Portuguese held while ruling the area during the 1500s and 1600s, but others believe it is linked to the Jewish community that lived in the area 2,000 years ago.

Eat 12 grapes

At midnight, revelers in Spain and Latin America stop what they are doing and start "stuffing 12 green grapes in their mouths," Atlas Obscura said. Uvas de la suerte, or the 12 lucky grapes, may have started in the 1880s, when Madrid's "bourgeoisie" put their own spin on the "French custom of drinking Champagne and eating grapes on New Year's Eve." Another story says that in the early 1900s, grape farmers in Alicante, Spain, "cannily suggested the idea" as a way of getting rid of surplus harvest.

To participate, have your grapes washed and ready, and as soon as the clock strikes 12, eat a grape for each chime. One grape represents one month of the upcoming year, and if you make a wish for every grape, it "guarantees you a lucky year." If you are unable to finish all 12 in time, "you'll face misfortune." Be careful when trying this at home, and remember to chew.

Enjoy a bowl of soba

Most New Year's Eve menus in Japan will include toshikoshi soba, with diners enjoying a bowl as they look back at the year that was and ahead at the year to come. The length of the soba noodles symbolize a "long life," Reader's Digest said, and the buckwheat flour they are made of "brings resiliency." When eating, slurping is a must, because if you "break or chew the noodle" you will not have good luck.

This tradition dates to the 13th or 14th century, Just One Cookbook said, but gained prominence during the Edo period between 1603 and 1867, when the "common class developed customary religious and superstitious rituals." When making toshikoshi soba, it is just as important to have delicious dashi (stock made with dried fish and kelp) as it is to make good noodles.

Hop over seven waves

On New Year's Eve, Brazilians head to Copacabana Beach in Rio de Janeiro to wade into the water and jump over seven waves. With each leap, "you're supposed to make a wish," Cosmopolitan said. This tradition stems from Umbanda, an Afro-Brazilian religion that blends African and local Indigenous beliefs with aspects of Catholicism. People wear all white, which symbolizes peace, and hope that the goddess of the sea, Iemanjá, "will make those wishes come true."

Many Umbanda worshipers come to Copacabana a few days ahead of New Year's Eve to bring offerings to Iemanjá, "one of their most important gods," The New York Times said. They put flowers and sparkling wine in boats they release into the sea, and when the vessels capsize, it is a "sign to the followers that Iemanjá has taken the offering."

Make a loaf of bread (then bang it on the wall)

This Irish custom starts at Christmas, when an extra loaf of bread is baked so it is stale by New Year's Eve. Then that night, you beat the bread against the walls and doorways of your home, as this is "supposed to chase any bad spirits out" and lets you "start the new year off with a clean slate," Good Housekeeping said.

There is no specific type of bread that has to be used, so make whatever kind you would like or go down to the local bakery and pick up a day old loaf. When the bread banging is over, expect lots of crumbs on the ground, but do not despair. Instead, get started on another "centuries old custom," the Irish Post said: deep cleaning your house so it is spotless.

Throw plates at your neighbor's house

In Denmark, tossing dishes at the doorsteps of friends, family and neighbors is "lowkey a popularity contest," Cosmopolitan said. This is because the belief is that the "more shards there are in front of your home," the "luckier and more well liked you are," explained Good Housekeeping.

While you could clean out your china cabinet to show your loved ones how much you care, consider a more recent Danish New Year's tradition instead: At midnight, jump off of a couch or chair, symbolizing your leap into the next year.

In the "rainforest-cloaked sierra" on the edges of Rio de Janeiro, hot air balloon "fanatics" risk much to send "enormous kaleidoscopic creations into the skies", said The Guardian. Police helicopters fly overhead to shoot the balloons down, and the balloon-makers face three years in prison, if caught.

The annual tradition of launching homemade, unmanned balloons into the skies was brought to Brazil from colonial Portugal, originally as part of festivities honouring Catholic saints. In the 1950s, it "took roots" in the working-class suburbs around Rio de Janeiro, where its popularity persists despite it now being illegal.

Domination of the skies

The unauthorised manufacture, transportation and launching of hot air balloons was banned in 1998. There are genuine safety concerns behind the ban, not least the threat of fires or explosions caused by collisions with power lines. But the ban "has done little to curb the craze", said the paper. "There are "hundreds, perhaps thousands" of turmas (balloon crews) competing for domination of the skies.

The baloeiros, hot air balloon makers working in secret communities in Brazil's teeming favelas, "risk everything to create and fly their masterpieces", said Al Jazeera, commenting on a documentary premiered this year.

Shot over more than a decade, "Balomania", from Danish filmmaker Sissel Morell Dargis, shows baloeiros competing against one another "to make the most stunning and spectacular balloons". Some of these illegal silk "masterpieces" are more than 70 metres high, said Variety, and need 100 men to launch them into the air. Dargis, who moved to Brazil aged 19, and gained access to the baloeiros through the street-art subculture, says that the "brotherhood" see balloon-making as their "cultural heritage".

Art for the powerless

To the authorities, however, the baloeiros are "delinquents", said Al Jazeera. Taking part in the outlawed subculture means "evading government threats and bounty hunters". Military police helicopters from Rio de Janeiro's gang taskforce have even "been put to work shooting down hot-air balloons", said The Guardian.

Dargis understands the safety risks behind the ban, but questioned why authorities need "AK47s and helicopters and dozens of police cars" to enforce it. "Why does it need to be treated as if it were drug trafficking?", she told Variety.

The answer, she suggested, is that – in a nation riven by gang warfare, crime and corruption – it's easy to scapegoat a relatively powerless community, many of whom live in the country's underprivileged slums. "It's a symbolic act," she told the culture website. "Everything about the balloons is so symbolic that even the repression becomes symbolic: it's an art form for people who don't have access to art, who don't have access in general."

What happened

Brazil could allow X to resume operations this week after the social media platform owned by Elon Musk acceded to demands from Brazilian Supreme Court Judge Alexandre de Moraes. Over the last few days, X agreed to block a handful of sites Moraes said were spreading misinformation and undermining Brazilian democracy, reappoint a representative in the country and pay accrued fines.

Who said what

The "abrupt about-face" from X "appeared to be a defeat" for Musk and his "self-designed image as a warrior for free speech," The New York Times said. But Musk had already "come to terms" with censorship in India, Turkey and other nations — X's country-by-country response has "often been in line with his personal politics" — and Brazil is "one of X’s most important international markets."

It was clear "from the beginning" who "had more leverage" in the Brazil impasse, The Washington Post said. Other justices lined up behind Moraes, and while prominent right-wing Brazilians "tried to mobilize around the issue of censorship," their complaints "didn't seem to resonate beyond their bubbles." Most X users in the country started flocking to other platforms, including Bluesky and Threads. "It was clear Brazil could live without X," the Post said. "But it wasn't clear X could live without Brazil."

What's next?

Brazil's Supreme Court said on Saturday that X had not filed the proper paperwork and gave the company five days to submit further documentation before a decision is made on restoring service.

The world's largest tropical wetland is under threat, with scientists warning that devastating wildfires and a proposed commercial waterway could spell the "end of an entire biome". 

The Pantanal, which sprawls across Brazil into Bolivia and Paraguay, is bigger than England at more than 42 million acres. It's one of the world's most biologically rich environments and "a real paradise on Earth", according to ecologist Karl M Wantzen of the University of Tours, and the Unesco chair for river culture. 

"Nowhere else will you see so many hyacinth macaws, jaguars, swamp deer, anacondas, caymans, more than 300 fish species, 500 bird species, 2,500 species of water plants," he told The Guardian. "All of that is at risk."

Record wildfires: 'cause for alarm'

The Pantanal is "more intact and pristine" than most other wetlands in the world, said World Wildlife. It comprises about 3% of all the wetlands on Earth – but less than 5% of it is protected. Most of the land is privately owned, mostly for cattle grazing.

This year, the Pantanal has been ravaged by record wildfires. More than 1.3 million hectares are believed to have burned – nearly half the size of Belgium. Climate experts say wildfire season started a month earlier than usual and was "more intense", thanks to high winds, heat and low rainfall,  according to the BBC.

In June alone, 1,434 fires were recorded during the first 18 days of the month – much higher than in June 2020, a year of catastrophic fires during which nearly a third of the Pantanal burned. That's a 980% year-on-year increase, according to data from Brazil's National Institute for Space Research (INPE). 

And it's "cause for alarm", said the Copernicus Atmosphere Monitoring Service, because wildfire season in Brazil typically "peaks" in August and September. 

This year also saw the hottest, driest and windiest June on record, according to a study published this week by the World Weather Attribution service. 

Human-caused climate change made the conditions that drove the blazes about 40% more intense and four to five times more likely, the analysis found. The Pantanal has also lost about 80% of its surface water since 1985, more than any other Brazilian biome. 

Waterway could spell 'end of the Pantanal as we know it'

The growth of industrial soya bean farming has driven demand for a waterway, to transport goods from production areas in central South America to seaports in Uruguay and Argentina, said The Guardian.

To meet that demand, the Brazilian government is planning to develop nearly 500 miles of the Paraguay River into the Hidrovia Paraguay-Paraná (HPP) waterway.

The proposed development, as well as the expansion of industrial farming and the ongoing climate crisis, represent an "existential threat to the ecosystem", a cohort of 40 scientists warned in a paper published in the journal Science of the Total Environment. 

The dredging necessary to make the river navigable by barge would further reduce the floodplain, which would increase the risk of fires. "If the hidrovia project goes ahead, navigation of large train barges in the Pantanal, with dredging in critical reaches of the Paraguay River, will probably mean the end of the Pantanal as we know it," said Pierre Girard, one of the study scientists, from the Federal University of Mato Grosso and Pantanal Research Center.

Dredging would cause "severe degradation of the globally outstanding biological and cultural diversity", said the paper, and threaten the livelihoods of the roughly three million indigenous people who live in and depend on the wetlands. 

"I really want the world to know what's happening," said Wantzen, the paper's lead author. "I wanted to gather people to spell out what the current situation is. It would be a senseless tragedy."

There are 1,223 UNESCO World Heritage Sites around the globe, from the Great Pyramids of Giza to Easter Island to Independence Hall in Philadelphia. These landmarks have cultural, historical or scientific importance, and the World Heritage Site designation offers a level of protection — the program's goal is to keep these wonders around for future generations. For 2024, UNESCO granted World Heritage Site status to 24 new spots, including these seven highlights.

Beijing Central Axis, China

The Central Axis runs north to south through Beijing, showcasing imperial palaces, gardens and ceremonial and public buildings dating to the 13th century Yuan Dynasty. These structures "bear testimony to the evolution of the city" and exhibit "evidence of the imperial dynastic system and urban planning traditions of China," UNESCO said. The more modern areas of the Central Axis feature construction from the Ming and Qing dynasties.

Dacia, Romania

During the Roman Empire, the Dacian Limes formed the "longest, most complex land border" of any former Roman province in Europe, National Geographic said. North of the Danube River, these 277 auxiliary forts, ramparts, watch towers and legionary fortresses traverse 16 counties, making up a "network of eerie-looking" sites that "still stand as witnesses to the strategic role Dacia once played."

Historical Town and Archaeological Site of Gedi, Kenya

For centuries, Gedi was one of the most important Swahili towns near the East African coast, with a great mosque, palace, well-constructed homes and impressive infrastructure, including a water management system. Experts believe Gedi was founded in the 13th century, likely rebuilt in the 15th century during its most prosperous era and then permanently abandoned in the early 17th century. No one knows for sure why Gedi was deserted, with guesses including an epidemic wiping out the population or a Portuguese attack.

Lencóis Maranhenses National Park, Brazil

The white sand dunes and emerald and sapphire freshwater lagoons of Lencóis Maranhenses National Park create an otherworldly landscape in northeastern Brazil. Winds shape the dunes, and when it rains the lagoons change shape, depth, size and even color. More than 110 bird species and 42 reptile species call the park home, in addition to the endangered scarlet ibis, neotropical otter, oncilla and West Indian manatee.

Nelson Mandela Legacy Sites, South Africa

At these 14 sites representing "human rights, liberation and reconciliation," visitors can walk in the footsteps of Nelson Mandela and other anti-apartheid activists. The locations include the University of Fort Hare, where Mandela studied, and the village of Mqhekezweni, where he got his start in political activism. The site of the Sharpeville massacre is a somber stop, a place to remember the 69 Black protesters killed here in 1960 as they protested pass laws.

Schwerin Residence Ensemble, Germany

Nearly 40 elegant buildings make up the ensemble, with the Schwerin Castle, once the grand duke's residence, the most opulent. Filled with parks and ornamental lakes, most of the structures in Schwerin were built during the 19th century, when the city was the capital of the Grand Duchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin. Architectural styles include neo-Baroque, neo-Classical and neo-Renaissance with touches of Italian Renaissance.

Umm Al-Jimal, Jordan

The ruins of Umm Al-Jimal near the Jordanian-Syrian border showcase "unpretentious urban architecture," Lonely Planet said, with the buildings providing a "fascinating insight into rural life during the Roman Byzantine and early Islamic periods." This rural settlement primarily functioned from the 5th century CE to the end of the 8th century CE, but archeologists have uncovered structures dating to the 1st century. Although not much is known about those early days in Umm Al-Jimal, researchers have been able to study the site more than others in the region, as it was "rarely looted or vandalized, which has left much of the original layout intact," Lonely Planet said.

Visiting a water park is a summer rite of passage, but not all are created equal. These eight aquatic playgrounds stand out from the crowd with inventive rides and slides, a wide variety of attractions and immersive theming. Don't forget the sunscreen.

Beach Park, Brazil

Beach Park is Brazil's largest water park, a wet and wild smorgasbord of slides, rapids, pools and saunas. Family attractions include the Aqua Circus arena and Enchanted River, with more moderate thrills to be found on the Tobomusik musical water slide. Adrenaline junkies can climb 14 floors up to the top of the 135-foot tall Insano slide, where riders reach speeds of up to 65 mph.

Caribbean Bay, South Korea

Any type of pool you might want can be found at Caribbean Bay. There are indoor and outdoor pools, pools specifically for infants and little kids, diving and wave pools and the relaxing Bade Pool, with traditional German thermal baths offering hydrotherapy. Thrill seekers will find plenty to do as well, from the Mega Storm tube ride that plunges you into weightlessness to the Tower Boomerang raft adventure that stars a dizzying array of curves and drops. 

Cowabunga Bay Henderson, Nevada

Cowabunga Bay Henderson knows how to keep visitors cool. Close to sizzling Las Vegas, this water park "embraces a 1960s theme," Travel + Leisure said, with a lazy river that passes by water features, surfboards and a '67 Volkswagen Beetle and private cabanas by the pools. The slides range from an easygoing race for toddlers on the four-lane Downhill Doggers to a harrowing journey in the dark on the mostly pitch-black Point Panic. But Zuma Zooma puts them all to shame, with riders standing inside a capsule with a trap door that opens to drop them 73 feet.

Holiday World & Splashin' Safari, Indiana

Visitors to the aptly-named Holiday World & Splashin' Safari in Santa Claus, Indiana, will experience everything a traditional amusement park and water park combo has to offer. At Holiday World, you can celebrate Christmas, Thanksgiving and Halloween in July (in addition to Independence Day), but Splashin' Safari is "about as far from the North Pole as you can get," USA Today said, "offering myriad thrills to cool guests off in the summer heat." The park is home to Mammoth and Wildebeest, the two longest water coasters in the world, and offers treats for guests like unlimited free sodas and free sunscreen.

Lost Island Water Park, Iowa

Lost Island Water Park brings the tropics to the cornfields of Iowa. It feels like an "oasis with swaying palms," Travel + Leisure said, offering more than 20 slides and rides. The main attraction is Wailua Kupua, an extreme hydromagnetic water coaster that can only be found in a handful of parks around the world. For something a bit more relaxing, float down the Kailahi River or visit Mermaid Cove to take a photo with the sirens.

Noah's Ark Waterpark, Wisconsin

A day at Noah's Ark Waterpark in Wisconsin Dells can be as exhilarating or relaxing as you want it. Spread across 70 acres, this massive outdoor park (it's the largest in the U.S.) boasts 51 waterslides, two lazy rivers, two wave pools and Flash Flood, a log flume ride. Heart-stopping attractions like Point of No Return, a slide with a near-vertical drop, and Raja, a fast tube ride that twists and turns before a 37-foot plummet, keep daredevils coming back for more.

Siam Park, Canary Islands

There are three paths you can take at the impeccably themed Siam Park: relaxation, family or adrenaline. Relaxation means enjoying the white sand beach and bubbly in the VIP Champagne Club; those who choose to stick with their family can play on the Lost City water playground and Sawasdee slides designed for kids. And adrenaline seekers can get a rush through freefall water slides like The Tower of Power, the high-speed water coasters Singha and Saifa and an Indiana Jones-esque escapade down Mekong Rapids. Not for the faint of heart. 

Universal's Volcano Bay, Florida

Volcano Bay at the Universal Orlando Resort provides both "thrills and chills" with its variety of tube and body slides, raft rides and rivers. The centerpiece is the iconic 200-foot Krakatau volcano, the starting point for a wild aqua coaster of the same name — but the most beloved aspect of the park might be the ever-convenient TapuTapu wristband. This is your water-proof key for the day, and to join virtual ride lines, you just have to tap it at the attraction entrance. It also allows you to make cashless purchases and open rental lockers to store your stuff.

What happened

At least 105 people have died and 130 are missing as devastating floods ravage southern Brazil. An estimated 160,000 people have been left homeless in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. The Guaíba River rose over 16 feet in the state capital, Porto Alegre, and flights have been canceled from the city's flooded airport through the end of the month.

Who said what

"The emergency is continuing to develop" and "it's not time to go home," said Rio Grande do Sul Gov. Eduardo Leite. "It seems like we're living through the end of the world," said nursing technician Beatriz Belmontt Abel to The New York Times.

Climate experts said the extreme rainfall in southern Brazil, and the concurrent drought in Brazil's Amazon, was tied to the cyclical El Niño phenomenon exacerbated by climate change, deforestation and unplanned urban growth.

What next?

Soldiers, volunteers and emergency workers are delivering aid and searching for people in need of rescue, but "authorities worried that the crisis could worsen because another wave of severe weather was expected in coming days," the Times said.

What happened

Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes on Sunday opened an inquiry into tech billionaire Elon Musk, saying the X owner was waging a public "disinformation campaign" after refusing to comply with a court order to block certain accounts.

Who said what

Musk has engaged in the "obstruction of Brazilian justice" and "disrespect" for the country's sovereignty, Moraes said. One day earlier, Musk predicted X would "probably lose all revenue in Brazil and have to shut down our office there."

The commentary

Musk's defiance has been "met with both delight and anger by politicians, lawyers and other public figures in Brazil," The Wall Street Journal said. Over the weekend Brazilian Attorney General Jorge Messias lashed out at "billionaires domiciled abroad" who "show themselves willing to violate the rule of law."

What next?

X "had yet to act" on Musk's pledges late on Sunday, MarketWatch said, but if the platform does unblock proscribed accounts it will face a fine of $20,000 per account per day.

What happened

The Pan American Health Organization, the World Health Organization's regional offshoot, warned Thursday that dengue is walloping the Americas this year, with 3.5 million cases of the mosquito-borne virus and 1,000 deaths in three months, versus a record 4.5 million cases for all of 2023. Puerto Rico declared a dengue epidemic on Monday.

Who said what

The fast and widespread surge in dengue is "cause for concern," said PAHO Director Jarbas Barbosa. Most of the cases are in Brazil and elsewhere in South America, where it is seasonably warm and wet, but "we are also seeing an uptick in cases" in Central America and the Caribbean, "where transmission is usually higher in the second half of the year," and in places with no history of dengue.

The commentary

The dry-season spread of dengue in the Caribbean, from "people traveling" and environmental changes, "is really kind of a heads up, a warning sign," Dr. Albert Ko, a Yale epidemiologist, said to The Washington Post.

What next?

The PAHO is urging regional and national efforts to control dengue's spread and to treat patients early so the death rate stays low.

Whether you are after a peaceful Polynesian paradise or prefer the bustling, samba-filled streets of Rio, the world is your oyster when it comes to 2024's hottest honeymoon destinations.

Rio de Janeiro

Brazil's historic capital city is made for couples with a spring in their step. 

During the day, "avoid the queues and see the sights of Rio de Janeiro on a private helicopter tour of the city," said Harper's Bazaar. Board your chopper from the peak of Sugarloaf Mountain, which you can reach via a short cable-car ride. Fly over the sandy expanses of Copacabana and Ipanema beaches and enjoy jaw-dropping views of Christ the Redeemer. 

Check in at Copacabana Palace, the "undisputed grand dame of Rio de Janeiro", which has hosted the likes of Ella Fitzgerald and Princess Diana. During Carnival in February, its "white-stone walls pulsate with energy" and "live samba music drifts across the open-air restaurant Pérgula as guests sway, sipping potent caipirinhas". Indulge at its Michelin-starred Italian outpost Cipriani, before heading out to "join 90,000 others for a night watching the parades at the Sambadrome".

Cartagena, Colombia

Colombia was once "a less obvious honeymoon destination", said CN Traveller. But tourism in Cartagena, on the Caribbean side of the country, has grown more than 300% in the past 12 years. 

The city's "deep-rooted romance" comes from an "old, walled town" that "woos with sun-yellow colonial villas and cathedrals, balconies with billowing bougainvillea, and slow ambles through cobbled streets to arcaded squares". But modern life is breaking through with "freshly experimental kitchens" to rival Lima's and a "savvy fashion crowd". 

Former president Juan Manuel Santos is "a fan" of Restaurante Donjuán in the upmarket beach resort of Bocagrande. Things get "steamier" in the area's late-night salsa bars, or an hour’s boat ride away at the "protected Rosario Islands – ideal for a castaway canoodle".

Tokyo, Japan

The "capital of good taste", Tokyo has more Michelin stars than any other city, making this the perfect destination for enamoured foodies, said CN Traveller. After dinner, head to one of the city's tucked-away drinking dens, where "mixologists blend craft cocktails with laser precision at intimate 10-seater bars" or if the bean is more your thing, the capital's "narrow back streets bristle with slow-drip coffee bars". For post-dinner entertainment, "sumo wrestlers scuffle in stadiums" and "kabuki performers peacock around theatres". 

And once you've had your fill of the high life, "neon-soaked thoroughfares thrum with restaurants staffed by robots and cafés filled with goats". Time your honeymoon for October and November when sunny days and "autumn colours lend a certain romance".

Tahiti

The largest island in French Polynesia has "soaring peaks, tranquil lagoons and crystalline waters", which have together drawn honeymooners to the island's South Pacific shores for years, said CN Traveller. Tahiti's "black-sand beaches and two extinct volcanoes" characterise its "rugged scenery", giving the remote island an "off-grid appeal". The Papenoo Valley is a favourite of British tourists, who come for the "luxuriant jungles" and "string of waterfalls". Book in at the InterContinental Tahiti Resort, which has its own "natural aquarium" and views "across the volcanic peaks of Moorea Island" and an "overwater gourmet restaurant".

Kenya

"Nights spent under swoon-worthy skies that twinkle with stars, accompanied by candlelit bush dinners," give Kenya the wild factor for adventurous couples, said The Independent. The East African savannah’s exclusive glamping sites are "purpose-built to escape the crowds" with awe-inspiring wildlife views and sophisticated lodges that provide the perfect viewing spot from which to see lions, leopards, rhinos and elephants "mere metres away". 

The Angama Mara's "elegant tented suites" even have freestanding bath tubs to wash away the dust of the day. Hold hands with your loved one on a 4x4 game drive that will give you the chance to witness the "dramatic Great Migration", the journey of around two million wildebeest across the Maasai Mara. 

Classic films set in the Amazon rainforest tend to evoke a place "rife with danger and disease", poisonous snakes and biting insects. But on a cruise on Brazil's Tapajós river – one of the Amazon's great tributaries – you don't feel at risk at all, says Paul Richardson in the FT. The river's clear blue waters are free of piranhas, allowing for "delightful" swimming, and too acidic to support mosquitoes. The river is so wide you sometimes feel as though you are at sea, and the sun often rises and sets over the water. There are beaches with sand so soft that it squeaks underfoot; the forest itself is a place of "dreamlike" beauty. And if you choose the right boat, the experience can be very relaxing, with good food, cocktails and convivial chatter. 

Built in Manaus in 1987, the Tupaiú is a wooden yacht with panelled cabins and "simple comforts" that lend it an "antique charm". It is now operated by the Amazon cruise company Kaiara, which offers five-day voyages from Santarém, where the blue waters of the Tapajós meet the pale-brown Amazon, forming a clearly visible line. At the city's harbour, "big-bellied riverboats" like Mississippi steamers stand broiling in the heat.

Out on the water, however, a fresh breeze fans the Tupaiú's open-sided decks. I spotted fishermen's canoes, and also a barge carrying soya grown in deforested areas for export to China. Kaiara's guides talk frankly about the environmental crisis in the Amazon. The yacht heads down smaller rivers to indigenous villages where local women lead trips into the forest to learn about traditional remedies. There are swimming stops at beaches where guests are plied with iced caipirinhas. Dinners are served beneath the stars on remote sandbars. And on night safaris by canoe, the world of the movies feels closer as guides scour the riverbank with their headlamps, catching "a thousand eyes" glinting in the dark. 

Cazenove+Loyd has a week-long trip from £3,800pp.

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Depending on your mood this February, you might want to take out the skis for a mountain getaway, head to a resort in a warmer climate or have a quiet Valentine's Day retreat closer to home. Also: only applause if you go with all three! These five hotels  work for any kind of February escape.

For the slope fiend: Hotel Bellerive in Zermatt, Switzerland

Come to Zermatt for the skiing, stay for the stunning views of the Matterhorn. The Sky Rooms at Hotel Bellerive face the famed mountain and have balconies if you want to go outside for an even closer look (bundle up!). After a long day hitting the slopes, head over to the hotel's spa, where you can relax in the jacuzzi, sauna and hammam or book a massage.

For the history lovers: The Jefferson D.C. in Washington, D.C.

The Beaux Arts-style Jefferson D.C. is a classic, with plush rooms and suites and a communal Book Room where guests can get cozy with a leather-bound book or just sit for a spell in front of the fire. For Valentine's Day, the hotel is offering the "Historic Kind of Love" package, which includes 15% off a Deluxe Suite, a welcome bottle of champagne and dinner for two at The Greenhouse. Pack your comfortable shoes, because the package also includes a walking tour put together by the hotel's in-house historian that stops at love-related landmarks. Historic Kind of Love runs Feb. 1-29, 2024.

For the architecture gawker: Shiv Vilas Resort in Jaipur, India

The palatial Shiv Vilas Resort is opulent, inside and out. The decor is lavish, with heavy drapes and gilded furnishings, and at the spa, guests can indulge in traditional foot-bath rituals. Amenities include a sauna, a steam bath and a large swimming pool, plus activities — cricket, chess and kite flying — for kids. Jaipur is known as the Pink City, and its most famous landmark is the Hawa Mahal. Built in 1799, this massive palace is made of red and pink sandstone and has stunning views of the city. 

For the opulent idler: The Shore Club in Turks & Caicos

This is where you go for true R&R. The Shore Club is on pristine Long Bay Beach, where the turquoise water is perfect for snorkeling, kayaking, paddle boarding and swimming. Those who prefer to stay dry can play tennis day or night on the lighted court, sign up for pilates and yoga classes and book a luxurious service in the spa. The Shore Club's accommodations include 38 suites, 110 rooms and six villas that can hold up to 14 guests, all mere steps from the resort's restaurants, bars and four pools. This one is a splurge, but, oh, the bang for your buck.

For the beachfront partygoer: Hotel Arpoador in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Because Hotel Arpoador is right on Ipanema Beach, you can go from your room to the waves in minutes. This modern hotel has accommodations ranging from small rooms with inner courtyard views to larger suites with living rooms, hammocks and balconies that overlook the sea. The hotel's hub is the terrace, where guests can dip into the pool and sauna, pick up a drink at the bar and gather for communal yoga classes on Monday, Wednesday and Friday mornings. It is always a good time in Rio, but the fun shifts into overdrive during Carnival. In 2024, the festivities will run from Feb. 9-17.

The natural world is a constant source of pleasure in Rio de Janeiro – the colossal rocks that tower like ancestral gods at the end of every street, the rainforest encroaching all around, the vast golden beaches, the soaring seabirds, the heat and light and the roaring, sparkling surf – in all, an ecstatic, ever-shifting symphony that no other city on the planet can match.

Rising easily to the challenge, however, is the city's music, from the orchestral visions of Villa Lobos to the rich tradition of samba, with its roots in Afro-Brazilian culture and religion. It's the lifeblood of Rio's famous nightlife, and of the fabulous street parties in the weeks leading up to Carnival, culminating in the televised samba parade, the biggest show on earth. 

Mountains, beaches, music and dance – Rio is best known for these, but there's far more to the city than them. Founded in 1565, it was the capital of Brazil from 1763 until 1960, and has much to show for itself in every sphere of culture, including gilded baroque churches, iconic works of modernist architecture, august museums and art galleries, and an increasingly diverse and exciting restaurant scene.

Discovering Rio's art scene

Rio has always drawn artists with its wealth, its political importance and its sheer beauty. It has several grand art museums, from the 19th-century Museu Nacional de Belas Artes to Oscar Niemeyer's spectacular Museu de Arte Contemporânea. And it is home to many of Brazil's best-known artists – Beatriz Milhazes, Vik Muniz and so on – and to some of its liveliest up-and-coming talents, many of whom started out in the street art scene of the suburbs and favelas. On a recent trip, I got to meet some of these luminaries thanks to the Rio-based tour operator Dehouche, whose contacts can arrange visits to the city's top studios and private collections. 

Exploring Rio's wild side 

The outdoors life is half the fun of being in Rio. You might visit one of the breathtaking beaches on the city's outskirts (Grumari, for instance), or try paragliding from the Pedra da Gávea, one of its tallest peaks. But there's no surer way of tapping into the deep magic of its wild places than a bird watching trip in the jungled mountains at its heart – the world's biggest urban forest. I went with the expert guide Ricardo Barbosa (another Dehouche contact) and spotted 64 species in a single morning, from toucans and black hawk eagles to dazzling smaller species with delectable names, such as the black-cheeked gnateater, the blue manakin, the masked water-tyrant and the violaceous euphonia.  

A city of music and dance

Music fans are likely to enjoy the small but intriguing Museu Villa-Lobos, and the Theatro Municipal, Rio's magnificent Belle Epoque opera house. But still more indispensable are the samba joints in the raucous districts of Lapa and Gamboa, such as the Vaca Atolada, a tiny neon-lit bar with a central table around which samba groups regularly gather to play and sing. During one of my trips to Rio, I delved deeper into this scene, taking dance lessons, visiting the studio of a top-flight samba parade costumier, and spending an evening at one of the suburban samba schools – half rehearsal space, half social club – where locals prepare for the big day.

Where to stay 

The grand dame of Rio hotels is the Copacabana Palace, A Belmond Hotel, an airy Art Deco edifice featured in "Flying Down to Rio", the 1933 film in which Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers appeared together for the first time. Chic modern alternatives include the Fasano (in Ipanema), the Emiliano (in Copacabana) and the Arpoador (between the two), which is smaller and more affordable but impeccably stylish, and sits on the only pedestrianised stretch of beachfront in the city. Alternatively, you might stay away from the ocean in the gorgeous old hilltop district of Santa Teresa. Among its most elegant hotels is Chez Georges, a modernist villa set among trees, with its own recording studio and soul-stirring views across the city. 

Eating out 

During the last century, Rio couldn't compete with Sao Paulo, Brazil's modern financial and industrial powerhouse, when it came to gastronomy. But in the past couple of decades, its restaurant scene has flourished. Chefs such as Felipe Bronze, Alberto Landgraf and Rafa Costa e Silva have won Michelin stars for their wildly sophisticated takes on Brazilian culinary traditions at the likes of two-star Oro, two-star Oteque and one star Lasai. And Rio is also a good place to discover some of the country's most exciting regional cuisines – at Tacaca do Norte, for instance (a tiny café serving dishes from Belem, on the Amazon river), or Aconchego Carioca (for imaginative versions of the African-influenced food of the north-east).

How to get there

Dehouche, a British-owned company based in Rio, can organise tailor-made trips to Brazil from £4,500 per person for 12 days, including flights.   

Tom Yarwood was a guest of Dehouche; dehouche.com

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A crematorium worker in Brazil got a "shocking surprise" after finding a 90-year-old woman still alive inside a body bag after she was pronounced dead, said Fox News. Just hours after hospital staff pronounced Norma Silveira da Silva dead, she was placed into a body bag and sent to the morgue for preservation. She was later found to be alive, despite spending almost two hours inside a sealed morgue bag and "almost suffocating to death".

Aussie duo break pub crawl record

Two Australian men broke a Guinness World Record by going on a pub crawl that took them to an impressive 99 different bars over the course of 24 hours. Harry Kooros and Jake Loiterton, both 26, sank drinks at 99 Sydney bars to claim the title from South African man Heinrich de Villiers, who visited 78 pubs in 24 hours last year. Although they did not have an alcoholic drink at every bar, Kooros vomited two hours into the crawl, noted UPI.

Walsall's Christmas woe

Walsall's Christmas display could be the "worst in Britain", said The Telegraph. The "pitiful festive décor" in the West Midlands town is a tree that is "almost indecently naked", its "saving grace a string of fairy lights", added the paper. "There is not a bauble nor a scrap of tinsel in sight." As if "in embarrassment at its denuded appearance", the tree "seems to list a little to one side", it added. The local council said the decoration was "consistent with the offer in previous years".

Few things speak so eloquently of the plight of the world’s biggest freshwater basin than the decaying carcasses of the Amazon’s pink river dolphins, says Um só Planeta (Rio de Janeiro). 

Since mid-September, 130 of these beautiful, endangered creatures have washed up on riverbanks in and around Lake Tefé, which lies at the heart of Brazil’s Amazonas state. Much of the water has dried up – in September the Amazon fell 30cm a day over a period of two weeks – and such water as does remain is too hot for most dolphins, and for the thousands of fish, to survive in.

No fish to catch, no water to drink

The Amazon is suffering a drought of historic severity and it’s pushing its inhabitants to their limit, said Joan Royo Gual in El País (Madrid). The rivers of Brazil’s north are its highways, but now many are too shallow for canoes to navigate. So hundreds and thousands of people in jungle villages are stranded. There are no fish to catch. There’s little drinking water. And the giant hydroelectric plant on the Madeira River has had to shut its turbines.

The rest of Brazil is affected too, because Manaus, capital of Amazonas, is the industrial hub where many of Brazil’s TVs, dishwashers and air-con units are made. “All that merchandise leaves the city in trucks aboard rafts”– but maybe not for much longer. The weather system known as El Niño – an abnormal warming of surface waters in the Pacific – intermittently causes droughts in the Amazon region, said Wérica Lima in Amazônia Real (Rio de Janeiro), but its effects have been exacerbated this year by the simultaneous warming of waters in the North Atlantic brought on by climate change. Together, these systems have so inhibited the formation of clouds that rainfall in one city fell to a quarter of its normal September levels. And polluting smoke from the resulting forest fires has further inhibited rainfall.

Deforestation devastation

It’s not just down to the weather, said Lucas Ferrante on The Conversation. Deforestation is also a key part of the problem. With the land drier than ever, deforesters find it easy to burn vegetation and open up the land for soya or cattle pasture. And the building of the BR-319 highway, which is slicing through one of the most conserved blocks of forest and bringing deforesters with it, is making things worse.

Deforestation makes it ever harder for the rainforest to recover from droughts, said Alind Chauhan in The Indian Express (Delhi), and that ability to recover, as a study in Nature has shown, may have reached a tipping point. If it does tip, the lush green forest would turn into drier open savannah, release vast amounts of stored carbon, and accelerate global warming. That’s why the need to halt the deforestation is so vital. The Amazon may seem a distant world, but every corner of Earth is affected by its fate.

Perched on a forested bluff above a vast beach in northeast Brazil, the little town of Trancoso is one of the most charming seaside spots in South America. Founded by Jesuits in 1586, it enjoyed centuries of obscurity before hippies and surfers discovered it in the 1970s. Wealthy holidaymakers from Sao Paulo followed, and these days, beach houses here change hands for millions – yet Trancoso has been spared from mass tourism by its sheer remoteness, and still has a laid-back and faintly bohemian air. 

The coast to the south is gloriously untamed for almost 300 miles to the next big city, Vitoria. It's worth striking out along the sandy road that shadows this shore, broken here and there by wide river estuaries of dazzling beauty, with colourful old fishing boats for ferries. This is the area where the Portuguese first came ashore in South America in 1500. You needn't go far to find Unesco-protected rainforest reserves, indigenous reservations with welcoming cultural centres, tiny fishing villages settled by the first European colonists, and an endless succession of magnificent beaches.

Where to stay in Trancoso

At the heart of Trancoso is the "quadrado", a big, villagey green fringed with colourful old fishermen's cottages, many of which now house restaurants and boutiques. In the evenings, locals play football before its simple, whitewashed church, and at night, its trees are lit with hundreds of lanterns. 

Created by the Dutch fashion designer Wilbert Das in 2009, UXUA Casa Hotel & Spa is Trancoso's original high-end boutique hotel, and still its best. Occupying a dozen rustic-luxe casitas set amid a jungled garden beside the quadrado, it's a stylish haven of peace in the heart of the action. The hotel also has its own beach bar, and staff can arrange all manner of adventures, including visits to the local artisans' workshops with which Das collaborated on its design.

Recently opened beside a beach outside town, the new Fasano resort has 40 pale, minimalist villas set amid manicured grounds. There's a huge swimming pool, a spa, a gym, and two good restaurants. It's a coddling, self-contained little world, and also offers easy access to still wilder beaches nearby, best reached by boat or on a quad bike over the dunes.

The road south

The first essential stop on the road south of Trancoso is Praia do Espelho, or "Mirror Beach", so named for the pools that form on it at low tide, reflecting the sky. Occupying a mellow old farmhouse atop a lonely hill beside the beach is Hotel Calá & Divino, a timeless and faintly otherworldly place with immaculate little bungalows for guests, and immense ocean views.

An idyllic garden by the sea

First settled by the Portuguese in 1534, the remote fishing community of Caraiva is said to be the oldest colonial village in Brazil. Backpackers from the country's big cities discovered it a few years ago, but its village council has fought with great success to preserve its tranquillity. Most of its guesthouses and restaurants are excellent, and there are no cars on its sandy lanes, no new buildings, and no streetlights to steal the show from its fabulously dark night skies. 

Tucked away on a quiet side street is Le Paxa, the home of a successful former record producer, with two beautifully furnished casitas for guests. They stand in glorious isolation in a garden by the sea, beneath the spreading canopies of ancient trees, and only steps from a low picket fence with a gate that opens directly onto yet another sublime beach. 

The owner is a great guide to the village, and can arrange trips by river boat to the cultural centre at the nearby reservation of the Pataxo indigenous people, where there are daily talks and demonstrations of rituals and other cultural traditions. 

A beach in the back of beyond

Two hours further on lies Corumbau, another sleepy riverside village, beyond which there stretches perhaps the most magnificent of all the ocean beaches south of Trancoso. Set back behind the sands is the Fazenda Sao Francisco, a hotel with a dozen huge guest villas spread out amid the palm trees on an old coconut plantation. Like the Fasano, it's a great place to kick back for a few days, with good food, a huge swimming pool, a tennis court and plenty of water sports equipment. 

How to get there

Among the top experts on luxury travel in Brazil is Tom Robinson of the Rio-based tour operator Dehouche, which can arrange tailor-made trips from £4,500 per person for 12 nights, including flights.  

Tom Yarwood was a guest of Dehouche; dehouche.com

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It's time to raise your steins and say "Prost!" to another Oktoberfest. 

This folk festival has been held in Munich, Germany, since 1810, when locals gathered to drink, eat and watch horse races in honor of Bavaria's Crown Prince Ludwig marrying Princess Therese of Saxony-Hildburghausen. What started as a royal wedding celebration grew into an annual event that isn't bound by borders; there are now Oktoberfests held around the world, where revelers are brought together by a love of food, fun and beer — lots and lots of beer.

Here are eight Oktoberfests where everyone is willkommen:

Munich, Germany (of course!)

The one that started it all is still the largest Oktoberfest in the world. The 188th event kicks off on Sept. 16, with the mayor of Munich, Dieter Reiter, tapping the first barrel of beer. The festivities take place across the Theresienwiese grounds, where 17 tents are set up, each with their own theme and band, serving different beer and food options. Don't miss the Trachten und Schützenzug parade on Sept. 17, with lavish floats from the six Oktoberfest breweries and thousands of fashionable people donning their finest traditional outfits, or the Oktoberfest landlords' concert on Sept. 24, where 300 musicians from all of the festival tent bands will play together. Sept. 16 through Oct. 3

Denver, Colorado

Denver may be a long way from Deutschland, but the city knows how to hold an Oktoberfest. Activities range from stein hoisting competitions to keg bowling, with authentic German food and ale available inside the Beer Hall. On Oct. 1, dozens of dachshunds will battle it out in the Long Dog Derby to see who has the fastest feet. Sept. 22-24 and Sept. 29-Oct. 1

Kitchener-Waterloo, Ontario, Canada

If you can't make it to Munich, consider trekking to Canada, home of the second-largest Oktoberfest in the world. Now in its 55th year, the Kitchener-Waterloo Oktoberfest is perfect for those looking for a traditional experience of drinking beer while listening to live music. There are also some fun surprises, like the DOGtoberfest on Oct. 7 and 8 (now is the time to splurge on some lederhosen or a dirndl for your pup). New this year is the Oktoberfest Block Party on Oct. 5, which brings together local country acts The Road Hammers and The Western Swing Authority with German performers Dorfrocker and Golden Keys. Sept. 22-Oct. 14

Fredericksburg, Texas

This Oktoberfest is all about the music, which makes sense — Fredericksburg is the Polka Capital of Texas. There are five stages, with 25 bands, some from Germany, set to perform. Those who would rather be the entertainment can enter the waltz and family lederhosen and dirndl contests, or join in on the group Hauptstrasse Chicken Dance. The food lineup includes bratwurst, fondue, potato pancakes, and schnitzel, with dozens of German and Texas craft beers on tap. Oct. 6-8

Helen, Georgia

The spirit of Bavaria is alive and well in the alpine village of Helen. The town is known for its architecture, inspired by traditional German buildings, as well as having what officials said is the longest-running Oktoberfest in the United States. All of the fun happens inside the Festhalle, with music and dancing and food galore, but there are also several restaurants to try in Helen that serve authentic German food, like the Hofer's of Helen bakery or Bodensee, known for its spaetzle and wursts. Sept. 7-Oct. 29

Leavenworth, Washington

This charming town in the Cascade Mountains is known for its Bavarian architecture, and once the oompah bands start playing and the beer begins to flow, you might think you're actually in Germany. Adults can enjoy hanging out in one of the three beer gardens and listening to polka bands straight from Europe, while the children can frolick in the massive Kinderplatz, complete with a Ferris wheel, bouncy obstacle course and root beer garden. Sept. 29-30, Oct. 6-7 and Oct. 13-14

La Crosse, Wisconsin

Now in its 62nd year, this is the longest-running Oktoberfest in the Midwest, and also the most community oriented. Every year, local residents are nominated for the Oktoberfest Royal Family, with two serving as grand marshals for The Torchlight Parade, happening this year on Sept. 28, and the Maple Leaf Parade on Sept. 30. The Torchlight Parade illuminates the night, with the floats wrapped in lights and marchers and spectators alike wearing glow sticks. Sept. 28-30

Blumenau, Brazil

German immigrants settled here in the 1800s, and their influence is still seen in the buildings and celebrations. This is one of the largest Oktoberfests outside of Germany, with activities including beer-drinking contests, parades, concerts and the crowning of a queen and her royal court. They aren't the only celebrities in attendance; the festival also has two cartoon mascots named Vovó and Vovô Chopão that like to make the rounds. Oct. 4-22

The leaders of Brazil, India, China and South Africa kick off a three-day summit in Johannesburg today billed as the most important meeting of the Brics nations in a decade.

Russian President Vladimir Putin, currently the subject of an international arrest warrant, is expected to appear via video link.

The acronym Bric – which stood for Brazil, Russia, India and China – was first coined in 2001 by Jim O’Neill, then chief economist at investment bank Goldman Sachs, to describe a group of emerging economies expected to sustain a prolonged period of growth.

But what may have started as “a marketing ploy to encourage investors has grown into a platform for intergovernmental cooperation similar to the G7”, said DW. In 2009, the four nations met for their first summit in Russia, and a year later South Africa was invited to join, adding the “s” to Brics.

Yet as the non-Asian Brics economies stagnated in the 2010s, “the grouping quickly lost momentum”, issuing “garbled communiqués about the perfidious West – which the perfidious West would promptly ignore”, reported The Economist.

“The Brics looked dead,” it said. “And yet the bloc lives.”

What did the papers say?

Ahead of the 15th Brics summit, tensions have been mounting between the two most influential members, India and China, over whether the group should be a “non-aligned club for the economic interests of developing countries, or a political force that openly challenges the west”, said the Financial Times.

China – along with Russia – is pushing for an expanded bloc to become a full-scale rival to the G7 and able to challenge America’s dominance, said The Times, while India and Brazil “want to ensure it does not become merely a west-knocking bloc or mouthpiece for Beijing”.

The invasion of Ukraine, which the likes of China and India have failed to condemn, has revealed a new reality that the Brics now represents “many of the biggest swing voters in geopolitics”, said The Economist.

What also unites them, said Al Jazeera, is that they are all “giant economies, with even bigger populations and still greater ambitions”.

The five Brics nations make up 40% of the world’s population and now have a combined GDP larger than that of the G7 in purchasing power parity terms. They are responsible for 26% of global GDP and yet still feel under-represented in international economic institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

On top of “grievances over such imbalances” are “growing concerns in the Global South that the US could weaponise the dollar through sanctions the way it has against Russia”, said Al Jazeera. Calls for de-dollarisation and the introduction of a common Brics currency are unlikely to gain traction, said the FT, but the summit could focus on seeking an agreement that members should “increasingly settle trade between each other in their local currencies”. There will also be a push to open up the Brics’ Shanghai-based New Development Bank – set up as a rival to the IMF – to new members.

What next?

While all countries will try to put on a show of unity this week, “a geo-economic struggle is brewing”, said Politico. “Whereas China seeks to expand its geopolitical heft by adding new members to rival Western-led blocs, countries like Brazil and India are more circumspect.”

How the Brics expands will go a long way to determining its strategic and economic priorities in the coming years. Dozens of nations have reportedly expressed an interest in formally joining the bloc, including Argentina, Mexico, Nigeria, Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

“Xi Jinping is not trying to out-compete America in the existing liberal international order dominated by the US,” said Steve Tsang, director of the SOAS China Institute at the University of London. “His long-term goal is to change the world order into a Sino-centric one,” CNN reported.

The end result will probably be somewhere in between. The clout of Brics nations “is likely to grow but the bloc is much more likely to offer piecemeal economic and diplomatic alternatives to the US-led global order than to dramatically replace it”, Al Jazeera said.

The man who originally coined the phrase, now Lord O’Neill of Gatley, has said the bloc had been “a big disappointment” that had failed to convert its growing economic might into significant political clout, according to The Times.

That may have been true of the original Brics nations but an expanded bloc could yet prove him wrong.

The “Messi of matadors” has been gored by a bull, reported The Telegraph. Andres Roca Rey, a “darling of the Spanish media” was hospitalised with severe bruising after the incident with the half-ton bull. The animal, which had already been stabbed several times in the back with banderillas, tossed Roca Rey in the air “like a doll” before “crushing him into the red-cushioned barrier”, said the paper. In an interview in 2021, the Spaniard compared the relationship with a bull to that between lovers.

Pink burgers released for Barbie

Burger King in Brazil is offering pink burgers to coincide with the “Barbie” movie. In a tweet, the company showcased the new limited edition Pink Burger, which features a smokey dragonfruit pink sauce, cheese, bacon and a beef patty served on a brioche bun, French fries served in a Barbie-themed container, and a pink Barbie Donut Shake. Canoe noted other gimmicks, including in Thailand, where the chain has released an all-cheese burger that contains nothing but a stack of American cheese between two buns.

California cops turn into shepherds

US Police “put their shepherding skills to the test” when they were called to round up a herd of goats that escaped their enclosure and “took over a neighbourhood”, said UPI. After the Shea Drive area in California was overrun with escaped goats, the animals were rounded up and returned to their enclosure. The escape took place the same day the Bay Area Rapid Transit announced it would be replacing its herd of fire mitigation goats with a flock of sheep, noted the outlet.

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Brazil's highest electoral court on Friday banned the country's former president, Jair Bolsonaro, from holding public office for the next eight years after finding him guilty of abusing his power.

The decision bars Bolsonaro, who led the country from 2019 to 2022, from running for president again until 2030. He will be 75 years old at the time, meaning the court's decision likely makes a political comeback for the former president improbable.

In the majority decision, five judges on Brazil's Superior Electoral Court declared that "lies and misinformation propagated by [Bolsonaro]" had the purpose of "discrediting, without any proof, the integrity of the electronic voting machines, aiming to destabilize democracy itself," the court said in a press release.

The move to ban Bolsonaro mostly stems from his controversial decision to summon foreign ambassadors to his residence weeks before the first round of the 2022 presidential election. At this meeting, which was broadcast on television, Bolsonaro "made baseless claims against Brazil's electronic voting system which caused a public outcry and were denounced by one supreme court judge as politically motivated disinformation," The Guardian reported.

Following his loss to current President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Bolsonaro continued to spread unfounded claims of voter fraud and election tampering. This culminated in his supporters storming government buildings in the nation's capital, Brasília, in a scene reminiscent of the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol.

The court's president, Alexandre de Moraes, voted against Bolsonaro, and said in a statement that what he did was "prohibited conduct, and, when doing so using the position of president, public money, the structure of Alvorada and public TV, it is an abuse of power."

"This decision will end Bolsonaro's chances of being president again, and he knows it," Carlos Melo, a political science professor at Insper University, told The Associated Press.

The ongoing destruction of the world’s rainforests sped up in 2022, putting worldwide promises to end deforestation by 2030 in serious doubt.

The world lost 10% more tropical forest in 2022 than in the previous year, according to a new report based on data from the University of Maryland and published on World Resources Institute’s (WRI) Global Forest Watch platform. The data measures tree loss, which can also occur due to wildfires, rather than just deforestation, which is always human.

The total loss amounted to 4.1 million hectares, or about 11 football fields per minute, the report suggests. The area that disappeared is roughly “the size of Switzerland”, according to CNN.

This comes despite the promises made by 145 countries’ leaders at the Cop26 UN climate conference in Glasgow in 2021, to stop and even reverse forest loss by 2030. “The trend is moving in the wrong direction,” said the new report. Humanity is “not on track” to meet its commitments.

What is the state of the rainforests?

Deforestation and tree loss are driven by a growing demand for food and fuel, and exacerbated by climate change, fires and disease outbreak.

The world’s largest rainforest, the Amazon, was by far the greatest victim of forest loss. All six countries that share it – Brazil, Bolivia, Peru, Colombia, Ecuador and Venezuela – experienced deforestation, said Mongabay, but “none were hit as hard as Brazil”.

About 43% of the total tropical forest loss in 2022 took place in Brazil, and the speed of loss increased by 15% from 2021 to 2022.

Most of this was down to deforestation under Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency, when the administration eroded environmental protections and gutted enforcement agencies.

“The 2022 deforestation data is a stark reminder that we are in a race against time for the Amazon,” said Leila Salazar-López, executive director of California-based nonprofit Amazon Watch.

Forest loss had previously decreased dramatically in the early noughties, during President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s first term in office. Now, with Lula six months into his second term as president, it is at its highest level since 2005.

“Bolsonaro has been accused to turning a blind eye to soaring rates of deforestation during his four-year term,” said the Financial Times.

Environmentalists said that the “myriad criminal groups” in the Amazon, such as illegal loggers, ranchers and miners, “accelerated their activities last year to maximise profits ahead of Bolsonaro’s anticipated election defeat in October”.

Lula has vowed to end deforestation, but it will take time to see any progress while he re-equips and restaffs enforcement agencies.

But some say it may already be too late. The Amazon is fast approaching a “tipping point”, according to a study published last year. The forest is “a crucible of biodiversity” and normally acts as “a large terrestrial carbon sink”, but its efficiency is declining.

The Democratic Republic of Congo lost more than half a million hectares of primary forest in 2022, accounting for 12.5% of total loss, mostly due to forest clearing for crop cultivation to feed its growing population. Primary forest loss rapidly increased in other countries, such as Ghana and Bolivia. The latter was one of the few countries boasting vast swathes of forest that did not sign the Cop26 commitment.

But Indonesia and Malaysia have managed to keep rates of primary forest loss at near record low levels, accounting for 5.6% and 1.7% of the total loss respectively.

That is mainly thanks to a clampdown on palm oil plantations, and stronger regulations on the production of palm oil, which causes massive deforestation.

Why does tropical forest loss matter?

Deforestation can intensify climate change. Forests remove carbon dioxide from the air, but because they also store it, they emit it when they are cleared, turning into huge sources of emissions.

The destruction of primary forests in 2022 produced about 2.7 gigatonnes of carbon dioxide emissions, equivalent to India’s annual fossil fuel emissions, according to the report.

“Land use change is the second largest source of greenhouse gas emissions behind the burning of fossil fuels,” said The Guardian, “and is a major driver of biodiversity loss.”

Keeping world temperatures to 1.5C above pre-industrial levels is “unlikely” without halting rainforest destruction.

This year, researchers proved a correlation between deforestation and regional rainfall for the first time. The more rainforests are cleared, the less farmers nearby can depend on rain for crops, according to a study published in the journal Nature.

There are also about 1.6 billion people who rely on forest resources to survive. Deforestation particularly affects indigenous communities, who are forced from their homes by logging and mining.

“Forests are critical for our wellbeing and the wellbeing of planet Earth,” Inger Andersen, the UN’s environment chief, said in a statement. “Ending deforestation and halting forest cover loss are essential ingredients to fast-tracking climate action, to building resilience and to reducing loss and damage.”

The long reign of the US dollar as the world’s reserve currency may be drawing to a close as non-Western and emerging economies look for alternatives to the greenback.

The US dollar (USD) has been “king in global trade for decades”, said CNBC, “not just because the US is the world’s largest economy, but also because oil, a key commodity needed by all economies big and small, is priced in the greenback”.

Most other commodities are priced and traded in US dollars too, and it remains the dominant force in global foreign exchange reserves, accounting for 58.36% of forex holdings worldwide in the fourth quarter of 2022, according to International Monetary Fund (IMF) data. But the dollar’s share in central banks’ foreign exchange reserves has dropped from more than 70% in 1999, the UN agency reported.

And analysts report that the “de-dollarisation” process has been turbo-charged by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the economic reaction from the US and Europe.

What did the papers say?

The freezing of Russia’s foreign exchange reserves – believed to be worth around $300bn – in the wake of the invasion was “significant”, said UnHerd’s Thomas Fazi. The move “violated an almost sacred principle: the neutrality of international reserves”.

With this decision, wrote Wolfgang Münchau for EuroIntelligence, “we have done all of the following: undermined trust in the US dollar as the world’s main reserve currency; forestalled any challenge the euro might ever make; reduced the creditworthiness of our central banks; encouraged China and Russia to bypass the Western financial infrastructure; and turned bitcoin into a respectable alternative transaction currency”.

De-dollarisation was clearly “not something that would happen overnight”, added UnHerd’s Fazi, “but the wheels of history were set in motion”. Most of the world’s nations didn’t join the West in “slapping sanctions on Russia”, but instead “quietly started strengthening their ties with Russia and China in an effort to reduce their dependence on the dollar-centric system”.

The movement is now “gathering global momentum”, said Markets Insider. Nations “from Asia to Europe and Latin America” are “lining up plans to end the greenback's dominance of global trade and investment flows”.

A Reuters analysis of official data from China found that the yuan overtook its US counterpart in March as the most used currency for Chinese cross-border transactions. At the same time, Beijing is steadily reducing its holdings of US Treasury securities.

According to Bloomberg, the yuan has also replaced the US dollar as the most traded currency in Russia.

And China and Brazil have made a deal to settle trade in each other’s currencies. Brazil’s President Lula da Silva even went so far as to say during a recent trip to Shanghai that “every night I ask myself why all countries have to base their trade on the dollar”.

What next?

At a meeting in March, finance ministers and central bank governors from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) also discussed whether to reduce dependence on foreign currencies including the US dollar.

Days later, the Times of India reported that India and Malaysia were starting to settle their trade in the Indian rupee.

Saudi Arabia has also signalled that it is open to trade in currencies other than the dollar. “There are no issues with discussing how we settle our trade arrangements, whether it is in the US dollar, whether it is the euro, whether it is the Saudi riyal,” The kingdom’s finance minister, Mohammed al-Jadaan, told Bloomberg TV in January at the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, Switzerland.

Yet “despite the slow erosion of its hegemony, analysts say the US dollar is not expected be dethroned in the near future – simply because there aren’t any alternatives right now”, said CNBC.

“The most common argument against the idea that the dollar will lose its leadership role is that there is no credible alternative,” agreed economist Maria Demertzis, a senior fellow at the Brussels-based Bruegel think tank. However, she wrote, central bank digital currencies (CBDCs), which are currently in some phase of development in 114 countries, “can facilitate this transition away from the dollar, as they promise to be a revolution in cross-border (wholesale) payments”.

Zimbabwe is set to launch a digital currency next week, when the country’s central bank will issue “tokens” that are “backed by gold reserves and can be transferred between people and businesses as a form of payment”, AP News reported. Brazil is also actively exploring how to construct a digital currency for cross-border payments.

A growing number of American economists and lawmakers are arguing that the US should follow suit or risk being left behind.

Former Morgan Stanley economist Stephen Jen told Markets Insider that the general de-dollarisation trend “will likely continue, but probably not to a point where a non-dollar currency commands a bigger market share than the dollar”.

“More likely,” he concluded, “we will evolve from a unipolar reserve currency world to a multipolar world”, mirroring the wider geopolitical realignment that is under way.

A Ukrainian official has invited Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to visit Ukraine to understand the real causes of the country’s war with Russia, after the Brazilian president made remarks that suggested the war was not solely caused by Russian aggression.

During a visit to China last week, Lula caused consternation among Kyiv’s Western allies by urging the United States to “stop encouraging” the war in Ukraine.

The Ukrainian foreign ministry spokesperson yesterday emphasised that the causes of the war were clearer than the Brazilian leader has repeatedly intimated, and were a direct consequence of Russian hostility.

“The approach that puts the victim and the aggressor on the same scale and accuses countries that help Ukraine defend itself against deadly aggression of encouraging war is not in line with the real state of affairs,” said Oleg Nikolenko, spokesperson for the Ukrainian foreign ministry.

“The war of aggression is being waged on Ukrainian soil and is causing untold suffering and destruction,” he added.

What did the papers say?

During his state visit to Beijing last week, Lula said that the US and the EU should “start talking about peace”, rather than continuing to support the war in Ukraine.

This, the Brazilian president said, would help “convince Putin and Zelenskyy that peace is in the interest of everyone and that war is only interesting, for now, to the two of them”, according to CNN.

Lula’s comments are “the latest in a series of remarks” made by Brazil’s president that have caused concern in the West, said Politico.

In January, during a visit from German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, Lula said Kyiv and Moscow were both responsible for the war, and its causes were murkier than the Western narrative. “Is it because of Nato? Is it because of territorial claims?” Lula asked. “Is it because of entry into Europe? The world has little information about that.”

Lula’s “anti-Western narrative” may not have been well received in Europe and the US, but it was “well received in Global South countries, which have also been targeted by the Kremlin’s disinformation tactics”, Politico said.

It was equally warmly received in Moscow, said The Spectator, where “the remarks were appreciated by Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov”, who arrived in Brazil this week for trade talks.

Lavrov told reporters that Moscow was “grateful to our Brazilian friends for their clear understanding of the genesis of the situation.”

What next?

Brazil has so far refused to join Western countries in imposing sanctions on Russia and has repeatedly refused to supply ammunition to Ukraine.

Ukraine and its allies believe calls by Brazil to hold peace talks are disingenuous, because an immediate ceasefire would simply allow Russia to hold on to territory that it had illegally obtained through force.

Western leaders might come to “regret celebrating Lula’s Brazilian victory”, said The Spectator. However, since facing a torrent of criticism for his analysis of the causes of the Ukraine war, this week the Brazilian president softened his stance somewhat.

In a speech following his meeting with Romanian President Klaus Iohannis yesterday, Lula denounced the “violation of Ukraine’s territorial integrity”. However, the left-wing leader “did double down” on his call for mediation in the conflict, Al Jazeera said.

On Monday, Lula’s foreign policy adviser Celso Amorim told the news outlet Globo that the Brazilian president never meant to “offend” anyone.

“Brazil defends the territorial integrity of Ukraine,” Amorim explained. However, he reiterated calls for peace negotiations to be held: “As long as there are no talks, the ideal peace for the Ukrainians and the Russians will not happen. There must be concessions.”

Brazil’s attitude towards Russia is intimately connected to its desire to forge closer links to China, said Asia Times. And with Chinese leader Xi Jinping “now putting expanding China’s international role at the top of his priorities list”, its interest is having influence across the Global South, including deepening trade relationships with both Brazil and Russia, the Hong Kong-based newspaper said.

This is not to say that Brazil is going to immediately fall under China’s spell, said analyst Anna Ashton at the risk consultancy firm Eurasia Group: “Lula’s interest in closer relations with China is not an indicator of diminished interest in relations with the US and Western allies”.

However, Ashton added, the connection with Beijing certainly “introduces greater complexities”.

Guilherme Casarões, professor of political science at the São Paulo School of Business Administration explains how Jair Bolsonaro's successor must restore Brazil’s activism at the United Nations and balance Brazilian relations between Beijing and Washington if his third term is to be a success.

Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva was scheduled to visit his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping at the end of March. Beijing would have been Lula’s fourth international destination in less than 100 days in office.

Lula had to cancel his trip, which was set to include 200 business people, after catching pneumonia but it is now expected to take place in April or May. His administration had hoped the China visit would alleviate political pressure at home.

Since returning to the presidency (his previous term was 2003-2010), Lula has already been to visit partners in the South American trade bloc Mercosur, Argentina and Uruguay, and recently flew to Washington DC for conversations with US president Joe Biden and members of the Democratic party over infrastructure investments, trade and climate change.

Globetrotting seems like quite an effort for a 77-year-old, third-term president who faces a deeply divided society. But Lula does it with a smile on his face. Since he first took office 20 years ago, the former metalworker has risen to the challenge of international diplomacy as a natural negotiator with political charm.

Building political legitimacy

As Lula kicks off his third term, foreign policy will be a tool for building his own domestic political legitimacy. His reputation currently appears to be greater abroad than at home.

Always a determined player on the international stage, Lula’s administration spearheaded the construction of Unasur, a South American organisation set up to offset US economic and political power in the region. He also forged several alliances in the developing world.

Although Lula left office in 2010 with an impressive 83% approval rating, much of his political capital waned in the years that followed. This was largely thanks to his successor Dilma Rousseff’s pitiful economic performance and to the mounting accusations of graft against top figures in his Workers’ party.

But despite being indicted and imprisoned for corruption in early 2018 (at which point his domestic popularity plummeted), the admiration of foreign figures has endured. Some even visited Lula in prison, protesting what they called political persecution of the former president.

So, at the age of 77 – and with health problems – a big diplomatic play might be his best bet of leaving a presidential legacy.

Challenges of a new world order

But Brazil’s capacity as a meaningful international player will depend on the administration’s ability to navigate a world that is fundamentally different from the one of the early 2000s.

The country is not in its best shape, either. In the years following Lula’s first two terms, Brazil went through a decade of decline, introspection and isolation.

Much of this is down to his immediate predecessor, Jair Bolsonaro. On Bolsonaro’s watch, Brazil ranked second, at 700,000 recorded deaths, in total COVID fatalities. Massive areas of rainforest were burned, and the lands of the Yanomami indigenous people were devastated by large amounts of mining.

So, while Lula must capitalise on any residual international popularity to relaunch Brazil as a global player, he has a lot to do to restore his own country’s economy and to heal the wounds of a divided society.

Lula’s first task internationally – a tough challenge – is to strike a balance in his relationships with Washington and Beijing, Brazil’s two foremost partners. So far, his new administration’s even-handed strategy has worked fine. But if tensions between Joe Biden and Xi Jinping lead to further political instability – or if a Republican with a zero-sum approach to China gets elected in 2024, Brazil could find itself in a difficult position.

Lula has attempted to anticipate these problems by offering to broker peace between Russia and Ukraine. It was a way to dodge criticism by western powers, who wanted Brazil to engage in military assistance to the Ukrainian government – while still preserving Brazil’s longstanding ties with Russia.

Lula’s take on the war is part of what researchers have dubbed “active non-alignment”. It is part of a broader Latin American strategy to safeguard policy space and instruments for national development strategies in an increasingly polarised international order. By offering itself as a high-profile mediator, Brazil wants to maintain trade and cooperation with all sides in the conflict.

Lula’s balancing trick

But Russian-Ukrainian peace appears to be a long way off – and it will hardly come via mediators from the developing world. If Lula wants to create a legacy, he needs to build on Brazil’s preexisting capacity, in both multilateral and regional terms.

One possible way is to restore Brazil’s activism at the United Nations. He must also reestablish cooperation in issues as diverse as climate change, biodiversity, indigenous rights, vaccines, food security and development.

Another way is to rebuild South American integration. Regional organisations such as Mercosur and Unasur could help bolster global supply chains in critical sectors like energy and food that have been disrupted by the war in Ukraine. To do so, Brazil must reclaim its role as the continent’s centre of economic gravity.

But there is an obstacle: Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro. A persistent political, economic and humanitarian crisis in Venezuela has exposed the dangers of left-wing authoritarianism. Lula is one of the few leaders who have open channels with Maduro and may be able to help the country work towards a national reconciliation.

The question is whether Lula wants to get involved. Unlike left-wing leaders who recently rose to power in Chile and Colombia, Lula and the Workers’ party have been unapologetically sympathetic towards dictators such as Venezuela’s Maduro and Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega.

Overcoming the Brazilian left’s outdated views on authoritarian socialism and anti-imperialism may be as daunting a challenge for the Lula administration as leaving a sound diplomatic legacy. But both steps are necessary if Lula really wants to make a difference in the region – and the world.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro is hoping to extend his stay in the United States, applying for a six-month visitor visa, his immigration lawyer confirmed on Monday.

In late 2022, Bolsonaro lost his re-election bid to the leftist Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who was inaugurated on Jan. 1. On Jan. 8, supporters of the far-right Bolsonaro stormed the capital, damaging the Congress, Supreme Court, and presidential palace. Now, investigators in Brazil are looking into whether Bolsonaro, who was in the Orlando, Florida, area at the time of the uprising, incited his followers.

Bolsonaro spent three decades in politics, and now that he is out of office, he "no longer enjoys the special legal protection that requires any trial be held at the Supreme Court," The Associated Press writes.

Mario Sérgio Lima, a political analyst at Medley Advisors, told AP Bolsonaro appears to be trying to distance himself from the events of Jan. 8, and could be preparing to return to Brazil as an opposition leader. "He is giving it some time, staying away a bit from the country at a moment when he can begin to suffer legal consequences for his supporters' attitudes," Lima said. "I don't think the fact of him staying away is enough. The processes will continue, but maybe he thinks he can at least avoid some sort of revenge punishment."

Bolsonaro's son, Flávio, is a Brazilian senator, and he said over the weekend he doesn't know when his dad will be back. "It could be tomorrow, it could be in six months, he might never return," he said. "I don't know. He's relaxing." It is believed that Bolsonaro came to the U.S. on an A-1 visa, which is for sitting heads of state, AP reports.