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  • Saturday Wrap, from The Week
    Trump in the bosom of British royalty, the price of electricity, and Your Party drama

     
    briefing of the week

    The price of electricity

    Britain’s electricity bills are some of the highest in the world. Why? And what can be done about it?

    What’s the problem? 
    British electricity prices, which were among the lowest in Europe in the early 2000s, are now very high by global standards. Only Denmark, Germany and Ireland have more expensive domestic electricity, while industry pays at least 50% more for electricity in the UK than it does in most of the rest of Europe – and over three times more than in the US. Although this is bad for everyone, particularly poorer households, arguably the real crisis is in industry. Energy-intensive manufacturers have been hit hard, leading to the closure of factories such as the CF Fertilisers plant in Billingham, and the Ineos oil refinery in Grangemouth; the steel industry is on its knees. Lowering energy bills is one of the current Government’s core “missions”, but the short-term outlook isn’t great, with the typical domestic bill set to be 44% higher this winter than four years ago. 

    Why are British prices so high? 
    The short-term cause is the Ukraine War. The average household “dual-fuel” bill (of which electricity makes up a bit more than half) went from around £1,200 per year in 2020 to £3,549 in October 2022, then down again, before creeping up to £1,720 now. The underlying causes are complex: they include an ageing national grid; high network operating costs; a lack of storage; and the practicalities of being on an island (in Europe, electricity can be transmitted to where it’s needed more easily). Finally, there are “policy costs”: levies to support green energy and vulnerable customers. Of a typical electricity bill, under Ofgem’s price cap (the highest tariff providers can charge), about 20% consists of network costs; 15% is the energy supplier’s costs; 11% is policy costs; 5% is VAT; and suppliers’ profits are 2.4%. But the biggest chunk, around 45% of a bill, is the wholesale cost of energy, which is largely dictated by the price of natural gas, which is both high and volatile, for reasons beyond government control. 

    Why is it underpinned by the price of gas? 
    UK non-fossil fuel sources – wind, solar, hydroelectricity, bioenergy and nuclear – generated around 58% of the UK’s electricity last year, with wind alone providing around a third of the country’s power since 2023. And wind and solar are, in theory, very cheap. However, much electricity for the grid is bought short-term, with an auction for every half-hour period, and the price is determined by the most expensive provider for that moment. Electricity is bought from generators – wind farms, power plants – in “merit order”: cheapest first. But the price for all is set by the last or “marginal” generator needed; and in the UK that’s almost invariably a gas-powered turbine. This is known as “marginal pricing”. 

    Why on earth use this system? 
    Electrical grids must be exactly balanced between supply and demand. In the UK, gas-powered plants are the only practical means of topping up the grid during a sudden shortage. Nuclear reactors can’t quickly be switched on and off; wind and solar are intermittent, and we can’t yet store enough of their output. For now, the only way to be sure of keeping the lights on when there’s a surge in demand involves gas. As a matter of economics, many, from Boris Johnson to the energy supplier Octopus, have questioned marginal pricing. But both Labour and Tory governments have concluded that it is the most efficient system; it is used across most of Europe and the US. 

    So how much do renewables cost?
    In theory, the green part of “policy costs” comprises under 10% of our electricity bills. But the true price is much higher. Connecting the grid to wind and solar farms is expensive, as is back-up and grid-balancing. In 2024/25, about £2.7 billion was spent balancing the grid – for instance, paying wind farms to “curtail” generation when the system was overloaded. Besides, high gas-derived prices often govern real renewable prices anyway. The UK relies heavily on gas, because it got rid of coal-fired stations. Marginal pricing means gas set the price of electricity 98% of the time in Britain in 2023, compared with the European average of 58% (in France, prices are mostly set by cheaper nuclear, and in Poland, by coal). 

    What is the Government’s solution?
    To help industry, Labour is exempting around 7,000 companies from some levies, with extra support for those in energy-intensive sectors such as chemicals, steel and glass. But its long-term plan is to take gas largely out of the electricity system: to reach “grid net zero” (95% carbon-free electricity) by 2030. The UK will need about twice the generating capacity as it did pre-renewables, and a much more complex, dispersed grid. It is investing several billion pounds in renewables, aiming to double onshore wind capacity, triple solar and quadruple offshore wind by 2030; it is also investing heavily in nuclear, in projects such as Sizewell C in Suffolk. At the same time, it aims to improve network capacity and boost grid storage, with vast batteries and pumped hydropower. The hope is that, in the future, the marginal price will seldom be set by gas – greatly driving down UK energy costs, cutting emissions and creating high-quality green jobs. 

    Is this realistic? 
    Many are sceptical. Dieter Helm, the Oxford energy economist, doubts that renewables will reduce bills long-term. Decarbonising the grid by 2030 would be a massive undertaking. Big British infrastructure projects usually run hugely over budget and schedule. Mechanisms for balancing a mostly renewable grid are untested, and will be expensive. Vast amounts will need to be invested – which will come, ultimately, from Britain’s electricity bills. Manufacturing is likely to be lost to nations with cheaper power. Although reducing emissions is a worthy aim, if those emissions only go abroad, it won’t help the climate. Helm thinks it would be better to move more slowly, and to be cautious about phasing out fossil fuels.

     
     
    controversy of the week

    The presidential visit

    All in all, Donald Trump will have boarded Air Force One last Thursday night “a happy man”, said The Times. That “curious relic” the House of Windsor showed once again why it is “irreplaceable”, treating the 47th president to the full array of pomp and pageantry during his second state visit to the UK – bearskins, pipers piping, retreats being beaten, the largest-ever guard of honour, made up of 1,300 troops. 

    Greeted as his helicopter landed by Prince William and Catherine, Princess of Wales – “You’re beautiful, so beautiful,” Trump told her – the president “positively glowed” as he and King Charles were swept around the Windsor estate in a golden carriage, said the Financial Times. A tour of St George’s Chapel followed (Trump: “It’s a lot of history”), topped off with a lavish state banquet attended by 160 VIPs from the worlds of tech, politics and media. 

    The president looked on from the heart of the 155-foot table as the guests were serenaded by a string orchestra playing Elton John’s “Tiny Dancer”, one of his favourites. It’s hard to overstate how much all of this would have meant to the “brash” real estate guy from Queens, said Emily Sheffield in The Independent. Long shunned by the older, grander families of New York, here he was “right in the bosom of British royalty, fêted like no other American”.

    The prime minister will also have been delighted, said Richard Vaughan in The i Paper. A lot was riding on his Chequers press conference with Trump. But the pair swerved the fraught issue of Peter Mandelson’s links to Jeffrey Epstein, while Trump, in the most generous of moods, pulled his punches on immigration and free speech in Britain. They even “put pen to paper” on a new tech deal that will bring billions of US investment into the UK. True, there “was plenty of glitter”, said The Guardian. And in the era of Trump, any diplomatic interaction that avoids outright disaster “is now regarded as a triumph”. But what did the UK actually get out of this whole sycophantic display? The US’s crippling 25% tariffs on British steel “have not budged”. Even the headline tech deal shows how “supine” Britain has become, said Jonny Ball on UnHerd. Lacking dynamic AI companies of our own, we’re forced to wave around the royal “begging bowl”, hoping for a few crumbs from Silicon Valley.

    As for Trump’s warmth, said Janan Ganesh in the FT, as anyone who knows the mercurial president will tell you, “a period of bonhomie” from him “guarantees nothing”. Lo and behold, just days later, Trump had already changed his tune, said Katy Balls in The Times. He railed against Britain during a speech at the UN, claiming that London wants to “go to sharia law”, that Europe as a whole is “going to hell”. Now the visit is out the way, the administration can get back to the “unfiltered Brit-bashing” that is a favourite theme. What’s worse, said the FT, “the UK has played its strongest card”. With the state visit over, we have nothing left to offer – and “few net gains in return”.

     
     

    Spirit of the age

    Alcopops, including Bacardi Breezers, returned to supermarket shelves over the summer as drinks firms cashed in on the 1990s nostalgia boom. Now, a 1990s-themed bar has opened in London. Punters enter Bunga 90 via a mock-up of a video rental shop, and a home with stone cladding and the buzz of internet dial-up. In the bar itself, big box TV sets play 1990s ads, music videos and movie clips on a loop.

     
     
    Viewpoint

    Queueing in pubs

    “Terrible news. Rather than follow the ancient system of everyone just leaning on the wood and allowing the barkeep to serve their clients as they see fit, 40% in a YouGov poll believe the best way of ordering drinks in a pub is to form a queue. Getting served in a pub is the best practice for the polite but quietly intense competition of British society. You have to insert yourself casually, without jostling anyone. It recognises that meritocracy is never really possible. Lots of other people will be favoured ahead of you, unfairly and for reasons that will never be made clear. In the post office and airport, there are practical reasons to queue. But the pub is not a practical place.”

    Will Dunn in The New Statesman

     
     
    talking point

    Your Party: a Pythonesque shambles

    Has there ever been a “more delicious, predictable, pathetic” political spectacle than the unravelling of Jeremy Corbyn’s new party, asked Stephen Pollard in The Daily Telegraph.

    Corbyn and his Your Party co-leader, Zarah Sultana, fell out on the day that it was launched in July. They fell out again, in even more spectacular fashion, last week, when Sultana invited people to become paid-up members via an online portal. Hours later, Corbyn sent out an “urgent” message telling prospective members to cancel their payments: the portal was unsanctioned; he was taking “legal advice”. In a fury, the Coventry South MP then claimed she was being sidelined by a “sexist boys’ club” made up of Corbyn and the party’s four other male MPs. Even by the Pythonesque standards of the far-left, it was farcical, said John Rentoul in The Independent. Before it had even properly come into existence, the party had split into factions that were ferociously denouncing each other.

    Corbyn’s opponents are delighted, said Zoë Grünewald in The i Paper, but for those of us on the Left, it’s an incredibly depressing situation. Some 600,000 people had originally registered interest in Your Party. There is a genuine appetite for a socialist movement that would make the case for reducing inequality, take a stand on Palestine, and call out the anti-migrant politics of the Right. “Yet while Tommy Robinson could summon up to 150,000 citizens onto London’s streets in defence of white nationalism, six independent MPs couldn’t organise a mailing list.”

    Corbyn and Sultana have now apparently made up, said Jonny Ball on UnHerd. But Your Party’s problems appear to be terminal – not least because Corbyn’s “merry band” of independent MPs remain divided over crucial issues such as trans rights and Ukraine. If they can’t even decide on a name (Your Party is provisional), then it’s hard to see how they’ll navigate those “tripwires” in the coming months. If their woes continue, Keir Starmer won’t be the only one laughing. The Your Party shambles leaves a big gap – and right now, the Green Party’s charismatic new eco-populist leader Zack Polanski is “emerging as the only viable Leftist alternative” to fill it.

     
     

    It wasn’t all bad

    Six years after the 12th-century cathedral was devastated by fire, Notre-Dame’s twin towers have reopened to the public. The main part of the building reopened late last year; the completion of the work on the towers marks another major milestone in the restoration, which is due to be completed in 2028. Visitors can now climb up the towers, a tour that affords a glimpse of the “forest” of beams that supports the cathedral’s roof, and a panoramic view of Paris.

     
     
    People

    Spike Lee

    Spike Lee has always been a fighter. As a kid growing up in Brooklyn, the film director told Dorian Lynskey in The i Paper, “me and my siblings were so bad that when we went to our relatives’ house, they’d say, ‘Oh no, those bad Lee kids are coming over, they’re going to tear the house up!’”

    Later, when he started making films, he battled over and over to get them financed: for “Malcolm X”, he ended up going cap in hand to Michael Jordan and Prince. Lee has sometimes worked purely for money – as well as passion projects, he’s made the odd Pizza Hut commercial – but he fights hard for his artistic principles, something he attributes to his parents.

    In the early 1960s, his father Bill was the hottest upright bass player in New York, recording with the likes of Bob Dylan and Aretha Franklin. But when tastes changed, Bill flatly refused to switch to electric bass, and Lee’s mother had to get a teaching job to keep the wolf from the door.

    Back then, Lee says, he resented his father’s stubbornness, as he could see the toll it was taking on his mother. “But as I got older, I understood that my mother loved my father and she believed in him as an artist. My father had morals. Right or wrong, he was not going to play electric bass. So that’s the way it was. I got that from my father – some things I’m not doing. I don’t
    care how much money you’re going to pay me, I’m not doing it.”

     
     

    Image credits, from top: Anna Moneymaker / Getty Images; Jeff J Mitchell / Getty Images; Mark Kerrison / Getty Images; Matt Winkelmeyer / Getty Images
     

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