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  • Saturday Wrap, from The Week
    Prison chaos, asylum hotels, and the John Lewis Christmas advert

     
    briefing of the week

    The asylum hotels

    Using hotels to house asylum seekers has proved extremely unpopular. Why, and what can the government do about it?

    Why is this an issue now?
    Hotels housing asylum seekers became a lightning rod this summer for political and community tensions over illegal migration, and over the dramatic increase in the number of migrants arriving in Britain on small boats. Large numbers of people are still being housed in these hotels, though the government has promised to end the practice by the end of this parliament, in 2029. As of June 2025, 32,059 asylum seekers were being accommodated in hotels. That’s 8% up on last year’s level (though actually down from a peak of 56,042 in September 2023). One council, Epping Forest, has argued in court – unsuccessfully – that using hotels in this way is a breach of planning laws. The government has also been criticised by the Home Affairs Committee of MPs for its general failures in its management of asylum accommodation, and for squandering billions on hotels.

    What is the context to all this?

    The number of asylum seekers coming to the UK has risen sharply in recent years, because of small-boat crossings. In the year ending December 2024, a record 108,138 people claimed asylum (84,231 main applicants plus 23,907 dependants). The figure for 2019 was 44,494. When asylum seekers have been processed, if they are judged to be “destitute”, as most are, they are eligible for accommodation and subsistence while their claims are being assessed (most are not allowed to work). New arrivals are placed in “initial accommodation”. Then they are moved to longer term “dispersal accommodation” – flats or houses of multiple occupation, often in areas such as the North West, where housing is cheaper – until an asylum decision has been made. But when this is not available, “contingency accommodation” is used: usually hotels. All this accommodation is provided by private contractors: in 2019, the Home Office gave 10-year contracts to three companies: Serco, Clearsprings Ready Homes and Mears.

    Why are hotels being used so much?
    Until 2020, they were used only in very limited circumstances. But when the pandemic struck, the contractors began placing asylum seekers in hotels – partly for public health reasons, and partly because empty hotels were a useful place to house growing numbers of people. This was only ever intended as a temporary measure, as a response to the pressures of the pandemic. However, it soon became a major part of the asylum accommodation system: at one point, 400 hotels were being used. After the pandemic, demand continued to grow – because of rising numbers, and because of Boris Johnson’s decision to stop processing asylum claims as his government pursued its Rwanda policy, meaning that more people were stuck in the system. Around a third of the total are now housed in hotels.

    Why is it seen as a problem?
    Firstly, asylum hotels are poor value for money. The average daily cost of housing an asylum seeker is about £145 per person – compared with £23 in “dispersal accommodation”; catering, laundry, onsite security and so on raise costs. As a result, the expected cost of those three 10-year contracts has risen from £4.5 billion to £15.3 billion, according to the Home Affairs Committee. Hotels are also unsuitable for asylum seekers themselves: some spend years living in hotels. Bored and unable to work legally, asylum seekers have little to do but stay in their rooms or loiter in the local area; some have committed crimes. Residents living near these hotels often complain that they feel unsafe; the Bell Hotel in Epping, along with others, became a flashpoint for protests and violence. 

    Are there any alternatives?
    There are few easy solutions. From August 2023, some 500 male asylum seekers were moved to the “Bibby Stockholm” barge docked off the Dorset coast; but that prompted protests and legal challenges, and within 16 months it had been emptied. At present, two large former Ministry of Defence sites are being used to house asylum seekers: Napier Barracks near Folkestone – found by the High Court in 2021 to be “filthy” and overcrowded – and a former RAF base at Wethersfield in Essex. Napier is due to close by December. Another option, proposed by the Refugee Council, would be for ministers to grant time-limited leave to remain in Britain to all asylum seekers from five countries (Syria, Eritrea, Sudan, Iran and Afghanistan) whose claims are almost certain to be successful, which would allow asylum hotels to be closed within six months.

    What’s the government doing?
    It wants to tackle the problem by reducing the number of people in the asylum system: speeding up the processing of claims; reducing irregular arrivals by cracking down on criminal gangs; stepping up returns of those who have been rejected; and perhaps tightening up the rules in general. Keir Starmer has said that he wants asylum hotels “emptied as quickly as possible”. Labour wants to open asylum camps on disused Army bases and on government land, including barracks in East Sussex and Inverness. It’s also trialling a plan to give asylum seekers £100 per week so they can live with family or friends.

    Will the hotels be closed?
    The PM has told ministers that he hopes to be able to end the use of hotels next year. By then, the government aims to have readied military sites, and made progress in cutting the asylum backlog (which Labour says has fallen by around 20% since it took office). Still, plans to house asylum seekers on government land are likely to encounter local opposition and legal challenges. It’s likely to be expensive, too: such sites often cost more even than hotels. The Home Office’s record does not inspire confidence: the Home Affairs Committee described it as “chaotic”. It had failed, for instance, to claw back millions in “excess profits” owed by contractors to the public purse until prompted by the committee.

    A Channel migrant’s journey
    Most adult migrants who arrive in the UK on small boats are sent to Manston, a processing centre that opened on a former RAF base in Kent in 2022. They are supposed to be held there for only 24 hours, while officials carry out security and identity checks; but owing to overcrowding, some stay for weeks. Conditions can be squalid: in 2022, there was an outbreak of diphtheria at the site. Upon leaving, asylum seekers take up one of some 1,750 places in initial accommodation, while officials assess their eligibility for further help. After this, most will be sent to longer-term “dispersal accommodation”.

    On average, it took 413 days for an asylum application to receive an initial decision in 2024 (down from 735 days a year earlier). Although most asylum seekers cannot legally work while their applications are pending, reports of black market employment are common. The destitute receive £49.18 a week in government support to cover food and other living costs; that figure drops to £9.95 a week for those living in hotels providing meals. The UK spent some £5.4 billion on its asylum system in the 2023/24 financial year – more than twice as much as in 2021/22. This mostly comes from the “overseas development” budget.

     
     
    controversy of the week

    The chaos in our prisons

    As Lady Bracknell might say, “to allow one dangerous, illegal migrant sex offender to be mistakenly released may be regarded as a misfortune”. To lose two in the space of a fortnight “looks like carelessness”, said The Independent. The government seems unable to get through a week without some catastrophe sending its popularity to “fresh Stygian depths”. And last week, days after the farcical manhunt for Ethiopian migrant Hadush Kebatu, Justice Secretary (and Deputy PM) David Lammy suffered fresh humiliation when it emerged that a 24-year-old Algerian, Brahim Kaddour-Cherif, was on the run, and had been for six days – having been accidentally released from HMP Wandsworth. Prison officers only discovered Kaddour-Cherif was missing because he was due in court for other offences; his lengthy rap sheet stretches to burglary, assaulting a police officer and possession of a knife, along with indecent exposure. He was eventually arrested in north London, said The Times, but not before the scandal had dominated a “lamentable” PMQs debut by Lammy, who was standing in for Keir Starmer. Under questioning, he was “blustering and aggressive”: he fled the chamber rather than admit that Kaddour-Cherif was missing. Lammy’s oversight of our prisons has so far “been woeful”.

    This chaos isn’t Lammy’s fault, said The Guardian. The issue is “a broken system, not human error”. Our prisons mistakenly release hundreds of inmates every year: there were 262 such mistakes in the year to March 2025. They happen because years of Conservative underfunding have driven these institutions to the point of collapse. HMP Wandsworth is a case in point, said Peter Walker in the same paper. A recent inspection painted a picture of chaos in the inner-city Victorian prison, where last year 1,521 prisoners were crammed into a building designed to hold 979 men and where, thanks to chronic understaffing, “staff could not reliably say where all prisoners were during the day”. Then there’s the lack of digital infrastructure, said Rachel Cunliffe in The New Statesman. This forces staff to trawl through boxes of paperwork and manually calculate how long an offender has left of their sentence, while processing hundreds of releases a day. It’s no surprise the system fails so often.

    The terrible condition of our prisons is perhaps the most shocking recent example of state negligence, said Ian Birrell in The i Paper. It should shame everyone in Westminster – from Lammy, with his embarrassing attempt to dodge responsibility, to the hypocritical Tories, “shouting in shrill outrage” for what is, above all, a “collective failure”. Meanwhile, “a despairing public looks on, aghast at the latest sign of breathtaking incompetence”, weeks before they “will be squeezed for even more cash to fund a decaying state that seems unable to deliver even its most basic functions”. Is it any wonder that voters are turning away from mainstream parties to “hard-right populism”?

     
     

    Spirit of the age

    Almost half of UK adults have bought a toy for themselves or another adult this year. Toy makers are hoping to cash in on this trend at Christmas, with “Wicked 2” dolls among those expected to appeal to “kidults” as well as to kids.

     
     
    Viewpoint

    Poppy shaming

    “The poppy police, an informal mainstream and social media militia, is placed on high alert early every November. Sniffing out those suspected of insufficient respect to fallen service personnel, and then abusing them – for not wearing a poppy or wearing one of the wrong colour – has become an annual witch-hunt. Not only is this poppy shaming nasty and absurd, it’s totally unBritish. If there’s one thing Our Glorious Dead died for, it was the freedom to not conform to any particular orthodoxy. Yet Remembrance Day is becoming as much about bullying those who fail to go along with the approved version of patriotism as it is about honouring veterans.”

    Robert Crampton in The Times

     
     
    talking point

    The John Lewis ad: touching or just weird?

    Over the past 18 years, the launch of the John Lewis Christmas advert has established itself as a key point in the UK’s festive calendar, said Ed Davies in the Financial Times. The ads are, of course, designed to be miniature weepies – to create a warm fuzzy feeling towards Britain’s favourite department store; but for many fathers of teenage boys (and some mothers too), this year’s has hit especially hard. Set in a middle-class home, the ad is about a man who finds under the tree a last unopened gift, from his silent, headphone-wearing son. It is a vinyl copy of Alison Limerick’s 1990 club hit “Where Love Lives”, and it transports dad back to a 1990s rave, said The Guardian; the pace then changes and dad, now alone in a dark space, sees his son as a toddler and a baby. We then return to their home for a hug – and the tagline “If you can’t find the words, find the gift”. So yes, it’s a shameless tearjerker, but it also taps into an urgent national conversation about the crisis in boyhood, sparked in part by the TV drama “Adolescence”.

    The masculinity crisis is not a very festive theme, said Jan Moir in the Daily Mail. And the whole ad is weirdly disturbing, said Simon Mills in The Times. When I went to acid house raves, the very last thing I’d have wanted to see, looming out of the darkness, is any kind of relation, from the present or the future. Then there is the unspoken “recreational drugs connection”. For anyone who was part of that scene, “Where Love Lives” will bring back memories of being “absolutely wasted on E” during nights of woozy, loved-up hedonism – and of the agonising comedowns that followed them. This is not touching family fare: no one wants to see dad gurning. It’s very unChristmassy.

    I suppose the boy’s gift is a sign that he realises that his dad is a person, who has had a life of his own and has tastes equivalent to his, said Stuart Heritage in The Guardian. That is “a profound moment for a child”. And there is something reassuring in the obsolescent traditions the ad celebrates: going into a bricks and mortar shop, buying an actual object. But for Gen Z, this ad must look mind-bendingly anachronistic. What will John Lewis show us next year? A “farmer trading a goat for a sack of stubble turnips”?

     
     

    It wasn’t all bad

    An American couple with a combined age of 216 years and 132 days have been declared the oldest married couple in the world. Eleanor and Lyle Gittens (aged 107 and 108 respectively) met at a college basketball game in 1941 and married in 1942 – when he was given a three-day pass from his US army base in Georgia. He later served in Italy with the 92nd Infantry Division, while she worked for an aircraft parts producer. After the war they settled in New York, where they raised three children and worked for the civil service. Asked the secret of their 83-year marriage, she said: “We love each other.” “I love my wife,” he added. “It’s simple.”

     
     
    People

    Sanna Marin

    Sanna Marin was 34 when she became PM of Finland in 2019. The international media was delighted to see a young woman take power, said Charlotte Ivers in The Sunday Times, and Western liberals looked to her (along with the likes of New Zealand’s Jacinda Ardern) for proof that a new style of leadership was possible. With a young daughter of her own, Marin made creating a better work-life balance for Finnish workers her priority; but inevitably, the pressure of her role took a toll on her own family life, and ultimately led to the breakdown of her marriage. Years earlier, she and her partner had watched the TV drama “Borgen”, in which a fictional PM’s marriage collapses under the strain, and “neither of us could understand why they’d sacrificed their relationship for the sake of her career. Now I could. It’s not a conscious choice. It’s just life.”

    However, she does also think that women have it hard. A low point came when the press published photos of her dancing on a night out with friends, and she felt obliged to take a blood test to prove that she had not taken cocaine. “Nobody ever asked a male leader, ‘How can you be capable of handling your career when you just went on a night out with the boys to a bar to watch a football game?’” she says. Women, she adds, “should have the right to be strong. They should have the right to be leaders, but at the same time they should have the right to be mothers and sisters and friends.”

     
     

    Image credits, from top: Carl Court / Getty Images; Carlos Jasso / AFP / Getty Images; John Lewis; Roni Rekomaa / Bloomberg / Getty Images
     

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