The Week The Week
flag of US
US
flag of UK
UK
https://cdn.mos.cms.futurecdn.net/skoGBi9qKFoUtnNWkovjJQ.jpg

SUBSCRIBE

Try 6 Free Issues

Sign in
  • View Profile
  • Sign out
  • The Explainer
  • Talking Points
  • The Week Recommends
  • Podcasts
  • Newsletters
  • From the Magazine
  • The Week Junior
  • More
    • Politics
    • World News
    • Business
    • Health
    • Science
    • Food & Drink
    • Travel
    • Culture
    • History
    • Personal Finance
    • Puzzles
    • Photos
    • The Blend
    • All Categories
  • Newsletter sign up Newsletter
  • The Week's Saturday Wrap
    Trump targets his enemies, a cabinet of podcasters, and the rise of ‘King Bibi’

     
    controversy of the week

    Trump: Demanding the prosecution of his political foes

    President Trump just crossed “the reddest of lines,” said Ruth Marcus in The New Yorker. Last week, he forced the resignation of Erik Siebert, acting U.S. attorney for eastern Virginia, for failing to prosecute two of Trump’s “perceived enemies”: former FBI director James Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James. How do we know Trump’s motive? He told us. In a social media rant addressed to Attorney General Pam Bondi, Trump said Siebert would be replaced with Lindsey Halligan, his personal lawyer, and demanded Bondi “ACT FAST” to prosecute Comey, James, and Democratic Sen. “Adam ‘Shifty’ Schiff,” declaring all three “guilty as hell.” Guilty of what, Trump didn’t say, though the MAGA-sphere is bustling with rumors that James and Schiff both falsified mortgage applications, and that Comey once discussed classified information with a friend. There is no evidence of any wrongdoing, but Trump is “not about to be deterred by such niceties.” It gets worse, said Michael Tomasky in The New Republic. News also broke last week that the Justice Department has quietly dropped a bribery probe of Tom Homan, Trump’s border czar, who last year allegedly accepted a $50,000 cash bribe from FBI agents posing as aspiring government contractors. Homan says he “did nothing illegal.” A justice system that punishes the president’s foes and forgives his allies is yet another sign that “the United States is no longer a democracy.”

    Trump’s demands of Bondi are an “outrage,” said National Review in an editorial. But “Democrats paved the way here.” The three targets named in Trump’s Truth Social rant—which some insiders believe Trump intended as a private message—were all prime movers of the Left’s own “lawfare abuses” against Trump. Comey and Schiff helped promote “the Russiagate smear that Trump was a Kremlin mole,” while James “tried to ruin Trump and his family financially with a massive civil fraud case.” That in no way excuses Trump’s wielding the power of the state to exact retribution, but Democrats would be more “persuasive advocates against lawfare if they repented for their own.”

    The question is what Bondi does now, said Elie Honig in New York. Trump’s “public ultimatum” has put her in a “bind.” If she “refuses to charge the targets on Trump’s hit list, she risks her job and political future.” If she complies, conversely, her ginned-up cases will likely collapse at trial, if not before, and a furious Trump will treat Bondi like “a human pinãta.” The attorney general does have a third option, said Sasha Abramsky in The Nation. She could resign in protest, preserving what’s left of her dignity, her reputation, and public faith in the Justice Department. Anything less will seal her legacy as “a co-star in the destruction of America’s 250-year democratic experiment.”

    Don’t hold your breath, said Michael Warren in The Dispatch. Bondi’s a true believer in the “alarming” rightist theory that the Department of Justice should function as the president’s “private legal team,” and that the client’s demands take precedence over the law and Constitution. But she may recall the fate of John Mitchell, Richard Nixon’s loyalist AG, who spent 19 months in jail after Watergate, said David Frum in The Atlantic. Unless Trump, with Bondi’s help, can fully rig next year’s midterm elections, Democrats will likely win back the House, costing Trump “much of his power—and all of his impunity.” As she mulls her next move, Bondi needs to ask herself whether she’s “willing to risk her career and maybe even her personal freedom for a president on his way to repudiation.”

     
     
    VIEWPOINT

    The podcaster administration

    “Trump’s White House is a government by the podcasters, for the podcasters. Kash Patel, the FBI director, was a podcaster. His deputy, Dan Bongino, was a podcaster. Katie Miller, the wife of the immigration czar Stephen Miller, left DOGE earlier this year and started a podcast. Throughout last year’s campaign, Trump took his message to a bunch of male podcasters, who duly rewarded him with softball interviews—or, in some cases, open endorsements. And when the Trump administration wanted to pretend it had released the Epstein files, a group of useful idiots was summoned to the White House: podcasters. In dictatorships, the government has to spend taxpayers’ money on state media. Here in America, people volunteer to be Baghdad Bob.”

    Helen Lewis in The Atlantic

     
     
    briefing

    King Bibi

    Over three decades, Benjamin Netanyahu has profoundly changed both Israel and the Middle East.

    How influential is Netanyahu?
    First elected as prime minister in 1996, he has since won five elections, making him the longest-serving leader in Israel’s history. Netanyahu, 75, has seldom been personally popular—recent polls suggest only 40% of Israelis trust him—but long ago established himself as “Mr. Security,” the man best placed to protect Israel from its enemies, notably Iran and its allies Hezbollah and the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas. To his critics inside Israel, “King Bibi” is a ruthless and corrupt danger to democracy who prioritizes his own interests over Israel’s. The right-wing leader is, nevertheless, the most influential figure in Israeli politics today, and arguably the entire Middle East. Both friends and foes describe Netanyahu as the ultimate political survivor, one who is motivated by both an overwhelming sense of his own importance—“Without Bibi the country is lost,” his wife, Sara, often says—and a deep pessimism. “I’m asked if we will forever live by the sword: Yes,” he told Israeli lawmakers in 2015.

    What shaped his worldview?
    His father, in large part. Bibi was born in Tel Aviv in 1949, the middle son of Benzion Netanyahu, a Polish-born medieval historian—“Jewish history is in large measure a history of holocausts,” he once said—who believed in a Greater Israel that would encompass modern-day Jordan. Netanyahu’s teenage years were spent between Israel and the U.S., where his father taught; at 18, in 1967, he returned to Israel for military service. During five distinguished years in the army, he fought in Lebanon and served in the Israeli special forces alongside his brothers Iddo and Yoni, the latter of whom was especially close to Bibi. In 1976, while Netanyahu was studying at MIT, Yoni was killed during a special forces raid to free Israeli hostages held by Palestinian and German terrorists at Uganda’s Entebbe International Airport. In death, Yoni became a national hero and inspired his brother’s political career.

    In what way?
    Netanyahu said his brother saw himself engaged in a “struggle between civilization and barbarism.” In the wake of Yoni’s death, “[I] devoted myself to this battle.” The Netanyahus founded an Israeli anti-terrorism institute in Yoni’s memory; Bibi headed the organization, which gave him the connections to enter politics. Appointed Israel’s representative to the U.N. in 1984, he became a regular presence on U.S. cable news, defending Israel’s policies with skill and charm. Elected to the Knesset in 1988, Netanyahu was named head of the right-wing Likud party in 1993 and three years later became prime minister after defeating Shimon Peres’ Labor by less than 1 percentage point. His first term was troubled. He infuriated right-wingers by ceding chunks of the West Bank to Palestinian Authority control, while accusations of corruption damaged him with centrists. He lost the 1999 election.

    How did he make a comeback?
    Netanyahu served in Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s cabinet in the early 2000s, before resigning in 2005 to protest Israel’s withdrawal from the occupied Gaza Strip. In 2009, he was elected prime minister again, capitalizing on a rightward shift in Israel fueled partly by Hamas’ takeover of Gaza and fear of Iran’s nuclear ambitions. In office, he nurtured Israel’s high-tech economy, forged anti-Iran alliances with Arab monarchies, and gained notoriety for trying to consolidate power. His attempts at media manipulation, allegedly offering deals in return for favorable coverage, embroiled him in two criminal cases; his proposed “judicial reform” law would allow for greater political influence over the judiciary. On the Palestinian issue, Netanyahu has worked to undermine a two-state solution. His governments, which have included far-right parties since 2022, have let Israeli settlers build on West Bank land designated as Palestinian by the U.N. And until the massacre of Oct. 7, 2023, Netanyahu let Qatar send millions of dollars a month to Gaza, believing a strong Hamas would serve as a counterweight to the West Bank–based Palestinian Authority.

    How did Oct. 7 affect him?
    The attack by Hamas, in which nearly 1,200 Israelis were killed and 251 taken hostage, was the result of serious intelligence failings, and initially dealt a crushing blow to Netanyahu’s reputation. His relentless prosecution of the war in Gaza since—in which more than 65,000 people have died, according to Palestinian authorities—has weakened Israel’s alliances with many Western nations and bitterly divided Israelis, though the campaign still enjoys significant support in the country. Critics allege he has kept the war going to appease far-right members of his coalition, delay a reckoning over his security failures, and reduce the possibility of his being tried on corruption charges. “My Matan is being sacrificed on Netanyahu’s altar,” Einav Zangauker, mother of hostage Matan Zangauker, said earlier this month.

    Why is Netanyahu still in power?
    Because the war’s continuation has let him play to his strengths as Mr. Security. Under Netanyahu’s leadership since Oct. 7, Israel has not merely destroyed Hamas as a military force but also decapitated its ally Hezbollah in Lebanon, and inflicted major damage on Iran’s military capabilities and nuclear program, with U.S. assistance, in its 12-day war with the Islamic Republic. While Israel’s regional enemies are weaker, Netanyahu warned last week that growing international condemnation could force Israel to become a “super Sparta” with “autarkic features,” meaning little engagement with international trade—presumably with himself in charge. “He thinks he’s the one who can save Israel from the imminent threat of annihilation,” said Aviv Bushinsky, who worked as an aide to Netanyahu for nine years. “He really believes that he is the only one on Earth that can do it.”

    Dealing with Washington
    “Who the f--- does he think he is? Who’s the f---ing superpower here?” These were reportedly Bill Clinton’s words after his first meeting with Netanyahu, in 1996. The Israeli prime minister knows the U.S. and its media well, and—buoyed by pro-Israel lobby groups and support from the Christian Right—he has felt confident to push back against Democratic presidents who have sought to rein in Israel. Barack Obama’s officials described him as “untrustworthy.” In 2015, Netanyahu accepted a Republican invitation to address Congress and railed against the nuclear deal Obama was brokering with Iran. Bibi had better relations with President Joe Biden, especially after Oct. 7. But by the time Biden left office, he was privately referring to Netanyahu as an “asshole.” President Trump has given Netanyahu free rein to wage war in Gaza and attack Israel’s enemies across the Middle East. But there are signs that, like his predecessors, Trump is losing patience with Bibi. The Wall Street Journal reported last week that, after Israel’s strike on Hamas leaders in U.S.-allied Qatar, Trump told aides, “He’s f---ing me.”

     
     

    Only in America

    A proposed bill would require all public universities in Oklahoma to erect permanent memorials to Charlie Kirk. GOP state Sen. Shane Jett’s legislation mandates that every “Charlie Kirk Memorial Plaza” feature a statue of the slain conservative activist either standing with his family or “sitting at a table with an empty seat across from him,” symbolizing Kirk’s commitment to free speech and debate. The plaza must also be in a highly visible location, the bill states, to “maximize public awareness.”

     
     
    talking points

    TikTok: A little help from Trump’s friends

    “Crony capitalism has reached a new low,” said David French in The New York Times. After months of defying Congress’s 2024 TikTok ban, President Trump this week unveiled a deal with the video app’s Chinese owner, ByteDance, that fails to resolve national security concerns and places yet another media outlet in the hands of “his billionaire allies.” The U.S. investor group that will own about 80% of TikTok includes Oracle and the venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz, led by prominent Trump supporters Larry Ellison and Marc Andreessen, respectively. Rupert Murdoch and his son Lachlan, Trump claimed, would also have a stake. That consortium will license the recommendation algorithm that ByteDance uses to keep TikTok users scrolling—flatly ignoring a law that prohibits any cooperation with ByteDance on running TikTok’s algorithm. Keeping Beijing’s hands off the sensitive data of some 170 million American users now “appears to be less important to Trump” than feeding his new spoils system. 

    Ellison, who has been “assiduously friendly to Trump,” is on a roll, said Clare Malone in The New Yorker. The TikTok deal adds to the “emerging media conglomerate” assembled by the 81-year-old tech mogul and his son David, who has acquired Paramount—owner of CBS—and is reportedly putting together an $80 billion bid for CNN owner Warner Bros. Discovery. That means the Ellisons could within weeks “own a movie studio, multiple television streamers, two news networks, and have a significant stake in the world’s fastest-growing social media platform.” This is how regimes in other backsliding democracies have quashed press freedom, said Paul Starr in The American Prospect: not by direct state takeover but by letting regime-friendly oligarchs “run media on the regime’s behalf.” Elon Musk’s purchase of Twitter and “Rupert Murdoch’s existing influence operation” have already created a more Trump-friendly infosphere. Now the Ellisons are pitching in. 

    This deal still leaves TikTok’s algorithm as a “black box” in China’s hands, said Dave Lee in Bloomberg. But the deal will split off America from the rest of the world. “How will videos on TikTok America appear to the outside world and vice versa?”And what happens to TikTok’s worldwide “viral stars”? However those matters are handled, many people will suspect that on the new TikTok, Trump is “pulling the strings,” just as China does on its home turf with apps like Douyin, the censored Chinese version of TikTok. This deal could prove to be “the first big red brick to be placed in the Border Firewall of America.”

     
     

    It must be true...I read about it in the tabloids

    A Nigerian chef cooked up a gargantuan, 19,346-pound pot of jollof rice to set a Guinness World Record. The spicy one-pot dish, a West African staple, was made with 8,800 pounds of rice,1,300 pounds of onions, 370 pounds of goat meat, 500 cartons of tomato paste, and 1,300 pounds of chef Hilda Baci’s own pepper mix. Ten chefs on stepladders tended to a massive, custom-built pot, which buckled as it was lifted by a crane for weighing. Eventually 16,600 plates were served. It was “nine hours of fire, passion, and teamwork,” said Baci.

     
     
    people

    Borg’s years of self-destruction

    In 1983, Bjorn Borg was the rock star of tennis, said Simon Hattenstone in The Guardian (U.K.). Handsome, mysterious, and with a legion of teeny-bopper fans who cheered on his many wins—including five successive Wimbledon men’s singles titles—it seemed like the 26-year-old Swede had the world at his feet. 

    But that year, the player known as Ice Borg quit the sport without a word. He’d grown sick of the hordes of fans and photographers who followed him everywhere. “In the end, when I was playing, I just stayed in my room,” says Borg, 69. “I ate in my room. I didn’t go out. I thought: ‘Is this going to be my life in the future?’” He enjoyed his first year of freedom but soon missed the buzz of tennis. He replaced it with cocaine. When Borg first tried the drug, “I said to myself, ‘Oh, this is a different feeling.’” The following years were a haze of recuperations and relapses and overdoses. “When you feel bad, you try to escape. I tried to escape with drugs, pills, and a lot of alcohol.” Then in 1999, Borg met his current wife, Patricia, a realtor, and got sober. He had stayed away from Wimbledon for years, ashamed of what he’d become, but in 2000 decided to return for a parade of champions. “And I’ve been back [to Wimbledon] almost every year since. I feel at home there. I feel comfortable.”

     
     

    Saturday Wrap was written and edited by Theunis Bates, Mark Gimein, Bruno Maddox, Tim O'Donnell, and Hallie Stiller.

    Image credits, from top: Getty Images; Getty Images; Getty Images; Getty Images
     

    Recent editions

    • Evening Review

      Should Tony Blair run Gaza?

    • Morning Report

      Starmer to unveil digital ID cards

    • Evening Review

      How should Nato respond to Russia?

    VIEW ALL
    TheWeek
    • About Us
    • Contact Future's experts
    • Terms and Conditions
    • Privacy Policy
    • Cookie Policy
    • Advertise With Us

    The Week UK is part of Future plc, an international media group and leading digital publisher. Visit our corporate site.

    © Future Publishing Limited Quay House, The Ambury, Bath BA1 1UA. All rights reserved. England and Wales company registration number 2008885.