Arrested developments
A presidential race in suspended animation
In 13 days, when the results of the election are in, how will we account for the whirlwind of the past month?
Democrats are already playing Monday Morning Quarterback, even though their team is still the favorite to win. Yes, really.
One school of thought holds that everything was going great for Obama until the debate, when he appeared listless, and Romney appeared human. This theory puts all of the onus for the momentum swing in Romney's direction on Obama's debate performance.
Subscribe to The Week
Escape your echo chamber. Get the facts behind the news, plus analysis from multiple perspectives.
Sign up for The Week's Free Newsletters
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
The more sensible way to look at how events transpired is to pull the lens back a bit. The Obama team was successful in creating a caricature of Mitt Romney as a heartless plutocrat. And then, at the debate, Romney came through as an entirely different person. An entire summer and spring's worth of ad spending vanished because reality didn't comport with the Obama campaign's strategic decisions.
The New York Times Magazine's Matt Bai has a variant of this theory: Romney was portrayed as a plutocratic flip-flopper for much of the race, and that kept his negatives quite high. Then, right before the summer, Obama's team took Bill Clinton's advice to focus on Romney's "severe conservatism," thereby giving him a pass for all of the flip-flopping, wishy-washiness and indecisiveness. At the debate, Romney didn't come across as a severe conservative, and Obama didn't (in that first debate) have the grounding to call him on his waffling.
I would add to this:
Undecided voters are not going to vote against someone because they "forgot" stuff. You have to disqualify the candidate with his own words and portray them as craven, as someone who will say anything to get elected. That is a tell. It shows people that the other candidate cannot be trustworthy, and if you can't trust him, then you won't trust him with the country. The core attack against John Kerry in 2004 was not that he was effete and out of touch, it was that he had no core. This wasn't true, but it worked really well. George W. Bush... he had a core. Obama has a core. But his campaign chose a line of attack that didn't completely de-core-ify Mitt Romney. If Obama had been as aggressive in the first debate as he was in the last two, where he pointed out, over and over again, that Romney was inventing himself anew (the etch-a-sketch candidate), if he did this THE FIRST TIME PEOPLE SAW THE TWO MEN TOGETHER (sorry for screaming), Obama would have had this election wrapped up.
Sign up for Today's Best Articles in your inbox
A free daily email with the biggest news stories of the day – and the best features from TheWeek.com
I've said it before and I'll say it now: The president is slightly favored to win re-election.
Instead, inconsistent messaging allowed Romney's likability ratings to dwell much lower than they would be as soon as he had the chance to show people he wasn't whatever stereotype that Obama painted him as. Only once he did this, once he was playing at par, could Republican-leaning independents see him as the least worst of the two choices.
His momentum in the polls, I think, comes from renewed enthusiasm from Republicans; likely voter screens are very, very sensitive to enthusiasm at this stage. By this point in 2008, John McCain had already disqualified himself as a president among many Republicans by picking Sarah Palin, and there was historical momentum in favor of Obama. The novelty Obama represented and his promise cannot be understated as a source of his lopsided margin of victory; Republicans managed to grab back territory in many of those states by tuning in to the Tea Party movement in 2010.
Unquestionably, a million or more people who voted for Obama in 2008 will vote for Mitt Romney in 2012. But I really do think that most of these voters had decided not to vote for Obama well before the end of the GOP primary. What they needed was an alternative. As soon as they had one, Romney's numbers rose to their natural level. Nationally, he should be running neck-and-neck with a president who is presiding over a nation that is broken, if slowly recovering.
All of that being said, Romney's likability is much more tenuous than Obama's, and the idea that he's an out of touch plutocrat who wants to help his rich buddies did indeed gain traction. Romney's "new" moderate image is not as ingrained as that other caricature once was. Obama could and probably will win back some of the college-educated suburban women who flipped to Romney, and he may also convince enough of them not to vote for anyone.
What Romney did in debate No. 1 was to achieve his baseline level of support, which ought to be about 47 to 48 percent of the electorate. That swing tightened up polls in a number of big Southern states like Florida, Virginia, and North Carolina. But Obama's 47-48 percent held steady. And there is some evidence that Romney's post-debate momentum was actually his achieving a natural high — a bounce — rather than actual momentum, which is to say, he is taking on more voters than ought not be on his ship and doing so at a sustainable rate. Let's wait a few days and see whether all those polling trends converge towards this mean even more, as I suspect they will. I suspect that Obama will continue to hold statistically significant leads in Ohio, Wisconsin, Nevada, New Hampshire, and possibly Iowa, with Colorado looming as a genuine toss-up. I think Virginia and Florida still lean Romney, albeit narrowly.
So much can happen in an instant, and so, yes, it is "anyone's race." But looking at all the evidence, the polls, and the ephemera, I've said it before and I'll say it now: The president is slightly favored to win re-election.
Marc Ambinder is TheWeek.com's editor-at-large. He is the author, with D.B. Grady, of The Command and Deep State: Inside the Government Secrecy Industry. Marc is also a contributing editor for The Atlantic and GQ. Formerly, he served as White House correspondent for National Journal, chief political consultant for CBS News, and politics editor at The Atlantic. Marc is a 2001 graduate of Harvard. He is married to Michael Park, a corporate strategy consultant, and lives in Los Angeles.
-
Will California's EV mandate survive Trump, SCOTUS challenge?
Today's Big Question The Golden State's climate goal faces big obstacles
By Joel Mathis, The Week US Published
-
'Underneath the noise, however, there’s an existential crisis'
Instant Opinion Opinion, comment and editorials of the day
By Justin Klawans, The Week US Published
-
2024: the year of distrust in science
In the Spotlight Science and politics do not seem to mix
By Devika Rao, The Week US Published
-
US election: who the billionaires are backing
The Explainer More have endorsed Kamala Harris than Donald Trump, but among the 'ultra-rich' the split is more even
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
US election: where things stand with one week to go
The Explainer Harris' lead in the polls has been narrowing in Trump's favour, but her campaign remains 'cautiously optimistic'
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
Is Trump okay?
Today's Big Question Former president's mental fitness and alleged cognitive decline firmly back in the spotlight after 'bizarre' town hall event
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
The life and times of Kamala Harris
The Explainer The vice-president is narrowly leading the race to become the next US president. How did she get to where she is now?
By The Week UK Published
-
Will 'weirdly civil' VP debate move dial in US election?
Today's Big Question 'Diametrically opposed' candidates showed 'a lot of commonality' on some issues, but offered competing visions for America's future and democracy
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
1 of 6 'Trump Train' drivers liable in Biden bus blockade
Speed Read Only one of the accused was found liable in the case concerning the deliberate slowing of a 2020 Biden campaign bus
By Peter Weber, The Week US Published
-
How could J.D. Vance impact the special relationship?
Today's Big Question Trump's hawkish pick for VP said UK is the first 'truly Islamist country' with a nuclear weapon
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
Biden, Trump urge calm after assassination attempt
Speed Reads A 20-year-old gunman grazed Trump's ear and fatally shot a rally attendee on Saturday
By Peter Weber, The Week US Published