Kagan: Why the questions about her sexuality?

The flap over Kagan's sexuality tells us that despite all the advances of feminism, some things haven’t changed.

Okay, so “she’s straight,” said Andrew Sullivan in TheAtlantic.com. I’ve taken a lot of heat over the past two weeks for arguing that Supreme Court nominee Elena Kagan should boldly declare whether or not she’s gay. To hide her sexuality, I’ve maintained, would be to accept the premise that homosexuality is something shameful that must be hidden. Now that the White House and friends of Kagan have come forward to vouch that she’s straight, the principle I expressed still holds. If it’s legitimate for President Obama to take gender and ethnic background into account to create what he calls “a more inclusive” court, then “why is sexual orientation out of bounds of even inquiry?” Just as Thurgood Marshall changed the court’s understanding of what it’s like to be black in America, an openly gay justice would undoubtedly shift the court’s perspective on gay marriage and other legal issues critical to the gay community. “Bracketing sexual orientation as somehow different” than other fundamental aspects of human identity is “offensive.”

What’s offensive, said William Saletan in Slate.com, is that we’re discussing Kagan’s sexuality at all. It would be “grotesque” if Supreme Court nominees—and other public servants—were now required to tell inquiring minds who they sleep with. To see where this sort of inquisition leads, consider “one of the most disgusting episodes in the history of Supreme Court nominations”—the 1987 interrogation of nominee Robert Bork about his religious beliefs. Bork was reported to be an agnostic who did not attend church, prompting religious conservatives in the Senate to wonder if he were “a nonbeliever.” Religious belief, or the lack of it, would affect how a justice rules, they argued, so it’s not private. If you accept that principle, where do the questions stop? Is anything private?

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