How Jeb Bush is tweaking his brother's brand of 'compassionate conservatism'
Jeb's 'inclusive conservatism' is a nod to how times have changed
Remember when George W. Bush sold himself as a "compassionate conservative"? Of course you do. Now, his brother Jeb is using a similar formulation, describing himself as an "inclusive conservative." The difference may seem trivial at first, but the Bushes are no fools when it comes to winning elections. And this difference tells us something about the changing perception of the parties, as well as the changing priorities of left and right.
In both cases, the descriptors seek to soften or modify "conservative." Back in 1999 and 2000, some felt that "compassionate conservative" was kind of backhanded, implying that plain old conservatives aren't compassionate. But the slight to the right was necessary. Until a functioning electoral majority begins referring to itself in Mitt Romney's preferred formulation of "severely conservative," a national candidate for the center-right party will always need to at least claim that he is reaching out to the center and center-left.
But the similarities between Jeb and George's brands end there. "Compassionate" implied that George would be solicitous of the economic interests of the working class and the poor. He even said that as president he would be the leading lobbyist on behalf of the poor. It was a concession that the chief problem for the Republican Party was that it was seen as the party of big business and the wealthy, not the little guy.
Subscribe to The Week
Escape your echo chamber. Get the facts behind the news, plus analysis from multiple perspectives.
Sign up for The Week's Free Newsletters
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
This perception still holds. A recent Pew survey found that 60 percent of respondents said the Democratic Party "cares about the middle class." Forty-three percent of respondents said the same of Republicans, a 17-point gap.
But the same Pew survey found that 59 percent of respondents said that Democrats are "tolerant and open to all groups of people," and only 35 percent said the same of Republicans, a 29-point gap.
"Inclusive" is a word that says much less about economics. It's a cultural word, the kind used in college campus orientation literature. It is also corporate-speak, usually swiftly preceded or followed by phrases like "commitment to diversity." Intentional or not, Jeb's tweak of a re-brand gets at this larger partisan gap.
This is the latest sign that culture war issues continue to move to the front of our politics, while economic issues take a back seat. Fifteen years ago, the Republican problem was that it seemed to have nothing tangible to offer the poor, blacks, or others on the margin of society. For Jeb, the problem with conservative conservatism is that it is exclusive. Conservatism is for the married, white, Christian, suburban, and exurban.
Instead of holding out "compassion" through faith-based initiatives, or the promise of an ownership society, Jeb's promise of "inclusion" is much more amorphous. It's not a promise to be more solicitous of the interests of LGBT voters, single women, or immigrants than the Democrats. It's more of a pledge not to antagonize them culturally — or at least not as much.
The branding may not matter if Jeb gets into office. George encouraged some aid to Africa, but his presidency was hardly defined by "compassionate conservatism." His faith-based initiatives eliminated some anti-religious discrimination in federal funding, but it did not come close to transforming the provision of social welfare. Nor did it evolve into a kind of federally funded theocracy, as critics feared. The ownership society blew up with the subprime crisis, hurting the most marginal homeowners.
But the branding is a good measure of where American political culture is today. Hillary Clinton is not exactly a candidate that screams, "For the little guy." Not with the almost daily news of her mid-six-figure buck-raking speeches, and seven-figure donations to the Clinton Foundation from foreign governments.
The truth is that in 2016, there is not going to be a candidate looking to turn the federal government into the best friend of the poor. Not Hillary Clinton, not Jeb Bush, certainly. So it probably makes sense for Jeb to try to head off the inevitable round of culture war–baiting that is coming his way.
Sign up for Today's Best Articles in your inbox
A free daily email with the biggest news stories of the day – and the best features from TheWeek.com
Michael Brendan Dougherty is senior correspondent at TheWeek.com. He is the founder and editor of The Slurve, a newsletter about baseball. His work has appeared in The New York Times Magazine, ESPN Magazine, Slate and The American Conservative.
-
Was the Azerbaijan Airlines plane shot down?
Today's Big Question Multiple sources claim Russian anti-aircraft missile damaged passenger jet, leading to Christmas Day crash that killed at least 38
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
What does the FDIC do?
In the Spotlight Deposit insurance builds confidence in the banking system
By Joel Mathis, The Week US Published
-
Ukraine hints at end to 'hot war' with Russia in 2025
Talking Points Could the new year see an end to the worst European violence of the 21st Century?
By Rafi Schwartz, The Week US Published
-
US election: who the billionaires are backing
The Explainer More have endorsed Kamala Harris than Donald Trump, but among the 'ultra-rich' the split is more even
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
US election: where things stand with one week to go
The Explainer Harris' lead in the polls has been narrowing in Trump's favour, but her campaign remains 'cautiously optimistic'
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
Is Trump okay?
Today's Big Question Former president's mental fitness and alleged cognitive decline firmly back in the spotlight after 'bizarre' town hall event
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
The life and times of Kamala Harris
The Explainer The vice-president is narrowly leading the race to become the next US president. How did she get to where she is now?
By The Week UK Published
-
Will 'weirdly civil' VP debate move dial in US election?
Today's Big Question 'Diametrically opposed' candidates showed 'a lot of commonality' on some issues, but offered competing visions for America's future and democracy
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
1 of 6 'Trump Train' drivers liable in Biden bus blockade
Speed Read Only one of the accused was found liable in the case concerning the deliberate slowing of a 2020 Biden campaign bus
By Peter Weber, The Week US Published
-
How could J.D. Vance impact the special relationship?
Today's Big Question Trump's hawkish pick for VP said UK is the first 'truly Islamist country' with a nuclear weapon
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
Biden, Trump urge calm after assassination attempt
Speed Reads A 20-year-old gunman grazed Trump's ear and fatally shot a rally attendee on Saturday
By Peter Weber, The Week US Published