Biden's revealing silence at SOTU
What he didn't say says as much as what he did


The best way to understand President Biden's State of the Union address is to think about what he didn't say.
There was no mention of Afghanistan, even though troop withdrawals began almost exactly a year before Biden delivered his remarks Tuesday night. There was no mention of his predecessor in the White House or the ongoing congressional investigation into the events of Jan. 6, 2021. Climate change barely came up. Neither did "equity," discrimination, or other aspects of race politics. Biden even managed to announce his nomination of Ketanji Brown Jackson without mentioning that, if confirmed, she will be the first Black woman to serve on the Supreme Court — a historic first that another Democrat facing different political conditions likely would have trumpeted. And there was no tribute to Biden's chief medical adviser, Anthony Fauci, or other public health officials. While Biden continued to warn against the risks of COVID-19, the maskless faces of the audience announced the administration knows the emergency phase of the pandemic is over.
These significant — and presumably deliberate — omissions give a clue about Biden's target audience. He wasn't talking to the progressive wing of his party, for which many of these issues rank close to the top of the agenda. The rift was clear in Rep. Rashida Tlaib's (D-MI) response on behalf of the left, which was one of several unusual post-SOTU speeches by Democrats representing various factions. Characterizing progressives as the president's most loyal supporters, Tlaib called for executive action on student debt, carbon emissions, and other matters Biden seemed reluctant to discuss.
Subscribe to The Week
Escape your echo chamber. Get the facts behind the news, plus analysis from multiple perspectives.

Sign up for The Week's Free Newsletters
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
Biden wasn't trying to conciliate the right, though. The opening section on the Ukraine crisis was squarely within the bipartisan consensus that the United States should help Ukraine and punish Russia without playing a direct military role. After that, however, he veered into a wishlist of proposals that would face dim prospects among Republicans even without the threat of inflation. Despite Biden's general avoidance of culture war themes, moreover, no Democratic speech would be complete without a pledge of allegiance to the sexual revolution. In addition to familar struggles over abortion, social conservatives will hear Biden's promise to "our younger transgender Americans" as a threat to extend a radical conception of gender identity to every aspect of federal policy.
No, this was a speech aimed squarely at a group whose importance is disproportionate to their small numbers: voters who supported Biden in 2020 but have been disappointed by his first year in office. Some of those voters are reliable Democrats, but others are true independents, and a few even defected from the Republican Party. As a group, they make up much of the difference between the 51 percent of the popular vote Biden won in 2020 and the roughly 41 percent who approve of the job he's doing now.
Presidential speeches aren't magic spells, and there's nothing Biden could have said that would draw those voters back to him overnight. But both the language and content of his remarks indicate the administration plans to make them its priority as we move toward the 2022 midterms.
That goal explains Biden's repeated invocations of bipartisanship, an ideal the public loves even if pundits and partisan activists don't. It also accounts for promises that could have been borrowed from earlier, more populist generation of Democrats (if not from former President Donald Trump himself), including "buy American" rules for infrastructure projects and pledges to "secure the border."
The biggest problem haunting the speech — and therefore the administration's strategy of courting disappointed Biden voters — isn't merely that these things are easier said than done, as the demise of Biden's Build Back Better agenda indicates. It's that several of Biden's promises are mutually exclusive, however well they perform in polls and focus groups. The tension is particularly stark when it comes to inflation, the top issue for independent voters: Everyone likes the "good paying jobs" Biden promised to bring back from overseas competitors. But few relish the higher prices associated with domestic production.
But the truth is these rhetorical contradictions don't matter very much. State of the Union speeches have little impact on presidential approval, and both historical and contemporary data suggest Democrats face serious losses in the midterm elections no matter what Biden says — or doesn't say.
In 1995, then-President Bill Clinton responded to historic Republican gains by adopting a "triangulation" strategy credited with saving a floundering presidency. It remains to be seen whether Biden can pull off the same trick in policy as well as words.
Sign up for Today's Best Articles in your inbox
A free daily email with the biggest news stories of the day – and the best features from TheWeek.com
Samuel Goldman is a national correspondent at TheWeek.com. He is also an associate professor of political science at George Washington University, where he is executive director of the John L. Loeb, Jr. Institute for Religious Freedom and director of the Politics & Values Program. He received his Ph.D. from Harvard and was a postdoctoral fellow in Religion, Ethics, & Politics at Princeton University. His books include God's Country: Christian Zionism in America (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018) and After Nationalism (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2021). In addition to academic research, Goldman's writing has appeared in The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, and many other publications.
-
Today's political cartoons - March 30, 2025
Cartoons Sunday's cartoons - strawberry fields forever, secret files, and more
By The Week US Published
-
5 hilariously sparse cartoons about further DOGE cuts
Cartoons Artists take on free audits, report cards, and more
By The Week US Published
-
Following the Tea Horse Road in China
The Week Recommends This network of roads and trails served as vital trading routes
By The Week UK Published
-
The JFK files: the truth at last?
In The Spotlight More than 64,000 previously classified documents relating the 1963 assassination of John F. Kennedy have been released by the Trump administration
By The Week Staff Published
-
Schumer: Did he betray the Democrats?
Feature 'Schumer had only bad political options'
By The Week US Published
-
Trump purports to 'void' Biden pardons
Speed Read Joe Biden's pardons of Jan. 6 committee members are not valid because they were done by autopen, says Trump
By Rafi Schwartz, The Week US Published
-
Resistance: How should Democrats oppose Trump?
Feature The Democrats’ lack of strategy leaves them struggling against Trump’s agenda
By The Week US Published
-
Schumer: Democrats will help pass spending bill
Speed Read The Democrats end the threat of government shutdown
By Peter Weber, The Week US Published
-
'Extremists still find plenty of digital spaces'
Instant Opinion Opinion, comment and editorials of the day
By Justin Klawans, The Week US Published
-
Trump touts early wins in partisan speech to Congress
Speed Read The president said he is 'just getting started' with his sweeping changes to immigration, the economy and foreign policy
By Peter Weber, The Week US Published
-
Are we really getting a government shutdown this time?
Talking Points Democrats rebel against budget cuts by Trump, Musk
By Joel Mathis, The Week US Published