The war Donald Rumsfeld won


Donald Rumsfeld, who died on Wednesday at the age of 88, was a foreign policy tough guy. In the months following the 9/11 attacks, everyone in the Bush White House — and in Congress, and the media — seemed like a tough guy. But that closing of ranks in the wake of a national trauma obscures the real contours of debate among conservatives back then — and today.
On one side of the Bush administration, there were the power-politics hawks — Defense Secretary Rumsfeld and Vice President Dick Cheney, along with key members of their staffs in the Pentagon and the White House. They believed that the United States needed to throw its weight around, using the latest military technology together with a light footprint of ground troops to project American power around the globe. Doing so would be good because it's good for America and the world when the U.S. is strong, imposing order at the barrel of a gun. And the reverse was true as well: Bad things happen when we let chaos fester and bad actors plan and execute mischief. That's what had happened with Al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan — and with Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Both were points of weakness in America's global hegemony that required a muscular response.
On the other side of the Bush administration were the moralists. At their head in the administration was Paul Wolfowitz. His arguments carried considerable weight with Secretary of State Colin Powell, National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, and eventually with President Bush himself. Those arguments, which also echoed through the pages of Bill Kristol's Weekly Standard magazine and among the many Democrats who supported the Iraq invasion, were rooted in America's historic mission to face down dictators and spread democracy around the globe. If the Rumsfeld-Cheney position was about power projection, Wolfowitz's was about democracy projection, potentially throughout the whole Middle East.
Subscribe to The Week
Escape your echo chamber. Get the facts behind the news, plus analysis from multiple perspectives.

Sign up for The Week's Free Newsletters
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
Of course things didn't turn out the way any of the major players had hoped. As euphoria surrounding the initial invasion gave way to stories of a bloody insurgency and missing weapons of mass destruction, Bush pivoted entirely to the Wolfowitz position. Now the war was all about "ending tyranny in our world." But with Bush's "surge" (begun only once Rumsfeld had resigned as defense secretary in late 2006), Barack Obama's troop withdrawal, the outbreak of a horrifically violent civil war in neighboring Syria, the rise of the Islamic State, and the return of American troops to fight ISIS' caliphate, that rationale eventually fell away, too.
Today, Republican foreign policy thinking oscillates between two positions: on one side, "realism and restraint" that favors America pulling back from its overseas military commitments in the Greater Middle East, Europe, and perhaps elsewhere; on the other, raw power projection and gratuitous displays of muscle flexing abroad with little or no democracy promotion attempted or assumed. Donald Trump wavered uneasily between these extremes — showing, perhaps, that it's possible to unite them. But at no point did he show the slightest inclination to take up the Wolfowitz project of spreading democracy throughout the world. Trump's would-be successors look likely to follow in his footsteps in that as in everything else.
This leaves the Democrats as the only party interested in using military force for explicitly moral ends. And it means that Donald Rumsfeld's devotion to the global projection of American power for its own sake appears to have won the day on the right.
Sign up for Today's Best Articles in your inbox
A free daily email with the biggest news stories of the day – and the best features from TheWeek.com
Damon Linker is a senior correspondent at TheWeek.com. He is also a former contributing editor at The New Republic and the author of The Theocons and The Religious Test.
-
Book reviews: ‘Red Scare: Blacklists, McCarthyism, and the Making of Modern America’ and ‘How to End a Story: Collected Diaries, 1978–1998’
Feature A political ‘witch hunt’ and Helen Garner’s journal entries
By The Week US Published
-
The backlash against ChatGPT's Studio Ghibli filter
The Explainer The studio's charming style has become part of a nebulous social media trend
By Theara Coleman, The Week US Published
-
Why are student loan borrowers falling behind on payments?
Today's Big Question Delinquencies surge as the Trump administration upends the program
By Joel Mathis, The Week US Published
-
The JFK files: the truth at last?
In The Spotlight More than 64,000 previously classified documents relating the 1963 assassination of John F. Kennedy have been released by the Trump administration
By The Week Staff Published
-
Do rowdy town halls signal a GOP backlash?
Today's Big Question Some remorse, but Trump backers would not change their votes
By Joel Mathis, The Week US Published
-
Budget: Will the GOP cut entitlements?
Feature Republicans are pushing for a budget to cut Medicaid
By The Week US Published
-
DOGE cuts could mean a reduced US footprint in Antarctica
In the Spotlight About 10% of the National Science Foundation has been laid off
By Justin Klawans, The Week US Published
-
House passes framework for big tax and spending cuts
Speed Read Democrats opposed the GOP's plan for $4.5 trillion in tax cuts and $2 trillion in spending cuts, citing the impacts it will have on social programs
By Peter Weber, The Week US Published
-
GOP: Is Medicaid on the chopping block?
Feature
By The Week US Published
-
Why are Republicans suddenly panicking about DOGE?
TODAY'S BIG QUESTION As Trump and Musk take a chainsaw to the federal government, a growing number of Republicans worry that the massive cuts are hitting a little too close to home
By Rafi Schwartz, The Week US Published
-
Trump's Ukraine about-face puts GOP hawks in the hot seat
IN THE SPOTLIGHT The president's pro-Russia pivot has alienated allies, emboldened adversaries, and placed members of his party in an uncomfortable position
By Rafi Schwartz, The Week US Published