The war Donald Rumsfeld won


Donald Rumsfeld, who died on Wednesday at the age of 88, was a foreign policy tough guy. In the months following the 9/11 attacks, everyone in the Bush White House — and in Congress, and the media — seemed like a tough guy. But that closing of ranks in the wake of a national trauma obscures the real contours of debate among conservatives back then — and today.
On one side of the Bush administration, there were the power-politics hawks — Defense Secretary Rumsfeld and Vice President Dick Cheney, along with key members of their staffs in the Pentagon and the White House. They believed that the United States needed to throw its weight around, using the latest military technology together with a light footprint of ground troops to project American power around the globe. Doing so would be good because it's good for America and the world when the U.S. is strong, imposing order at the barrel of a gun. And the reverse was true as well: Bad things happen when we let chaos fester and bad actors plan and execute mischief. That's what had happened with Al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan — and with Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Both were points of weakness in America's global hegemony that required a muscular response.
On the other side of the Bush administration were the moralists. At their head in the administration was Paul Wolfowitz. His arguments carried considerable weight with Secretary of State Colin Powell, National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, and eventually with President Bush himself. Those arguments, which also echoed through the pages of Bill Kristol's Weekly Standard magazine and among the many Democrats who supported the Iraq invasion, were rooted in America's historic mission to face down dictators and spread democracy around the globe. If the Rumsfeld-Cheney position was about power projection, Wolfowitz's was about democracy projection, potentially throughout the whole Middle East.
Subscribe to The Week
Escape your echo chamber. Get the facts behind the news, plus analysis from multiple perspectives.

Sign up for The Week's Free Newsletters
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
Of course things didn't turn out the way any of the major players had hoped. As euphoria surrounding the initial invasion gave way to stories of a bloody insurgency and missing weapons of mass destruction, Bush pivoted entirely to the Wolfowitz position. Now the war was all about "ending tyranny in our world." But with Bush's "surge" (begun only once Rumsfeld had resigned as defense secretary in late 2006), Barack Obama's troop withdrawal, the outbreak of a horrifically violent civil war in neighboring Syria, the rise of the Islamic State, and the return of American troops to fight ISIS' caliphate, that rationale eventually fell away, too.
Today, Republican foreign policy thinking oscillates between two positions: on one side, "realism and restraint" that favors America pulling back from its overseas military commitments in the Greater Middle East, Europe, and perhaps elsewhere; on the other, raw power projection and gratuitous displays of muscle flexing abroad with little or no democracy promotion attempted or assumed. Donald Trump wavered uneasily between these extremes — showing, perhaps, that it's possible to unite them. But at no point did he show the slightest inclination to take up the Wolfowitz project of spreading democracy throughout the world. Trump's would-be successors look likely to follow in his footsteps in that as in everything else.
This leaves the Democrats as the only party interested in using military force for explicitly moral ends. And it means that Donald Rumsfeld's devotion to the global projection of American power for its own sake appears to have won the day on the right.
Sign up for Today's Best Articles in your inbox
A free daily email with the biggest news stories of the day – and the best features from TheWeek.com
Damon Linker is a senior correspondent at TheWeek.com. He is also a former contributing editor at The New Republic and the author of The Theocons and The Religious Test.
-
Trump pauses all new foreign student visas
speed read The State Department has stopped scheduling interviews with those seeking student visas in preparation for scrutiny of applicants' social media
-
GOP megabill would limit judicial oversight of Trump
speed read The domestic policy bill Republicans pushed through the House would protect the Trump administration from the consequences of violating court orders
-
Medicaid: Will millions lose coverage?
Feature House Republicans have proposed a plan to cut Medicaid coverage for millions to help fund the GOP's tax cuts
-
A running list of Trump's conflicts of interest
In Depth A potential Qatari plane is the latest in a series of problematic connections
-
Why do GOP lawmakers want to ban state-level AI regulation?
TODAY'S BIG QUESTION House Republicans are pushing to block states from making their own AI laws for the next ten years, even as expert warn the results could be disastrous.
-
Trump vows to lift Syria sanctions
speed read The move would help the new government stabilize the country following years of civil war
-
Will Republicans tax the rich?
Today's Big Question Trump is waffling on the possibility of taxing wealthy earners
-
Why the GOP is nervous about Ken Paxton's Senate run
Today's Big Question A MAGA-establishment battle with John Cornyn will be costly