Are secular liberals getting cocky?
In pressing their advantage in the culture war, liberals too often overreach
At first it sounds like a publicity stunt. A disgruntled ex-Mormon named Tom Phillips files a criminal complaint in England against the Mormon church, alleging that it promulgates untrue doctrines for the purpose of securing financial contributions from church members. A magistrate then responds by issuing a summons ordering the president of the church, Thomas S. Monson, to appear before a court in London on March 14 to answer charges of fraud.
The consensus of legal scholars seems to be that the case won't go forward — that the British government won't attempt to extradite Monson to make him demonstrate the truth of Mormonism's theological claims in court.
But that doesn't mean the case is unimportant. On the contrary, it's part of a broader, troubling trans-Atlantic trend of secular liberalism steamrolling competing, non-liberal visions of the good.
Subscribe to The Week
Escape your echo chamber. Get the facts behind the news, plus analysis from multiple perspectives.
Sign up for The Week's Free Newsletters
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
The trend marks an important change. Eight years ago I published a book with a subtitle describing how the religious right was placing "secular America under siege." Less than a decade later, the dynamic I discussed in the book has reversed itself, with liberalism now shoving traditionalist religion into a corner.
To some extent, this back-and-forth is perfectly normal. As I wrote in a more recent book, the borderland between religion and politics in a free society is less like a "wall of separation" than an "endlessly shifting skirmish line," with the sacred and secular each "constantly pushing back against the incursions of the other, adjusting its arguments and tactics as circumstances and situations change over time."
Under George W. Bush — whose electoral coalition included conservative evangelical Protestants, Catholics, Mormons, and Jews — the line moved one way. Under his successor, it has moved in the opposite direction, thanks to ObamaCare's contraception mandate and the spread of gay marriage, which has forced traditionalist believers of all faiths to comply with anti-discrimination statutes.
But that doesn't mean liberals should keep prosecuting the fight — constantly probing, like the English magistrate eager to take on the Mormon church, to see just how far the secular state can go.
When liberals act that way, they run the risk of turning themselves into latter-day Jacobins, the anti-religious zealots who dominated the French Revolution during its most radical phase. In its most violent form, this monistic, comprehensive version of secularism outlawed religion, ransacked and desecrated churches, and decreed that priests were to be murdered on sight — all in the name of freedom. In contemporary France, the ideological descendants of the Jacobins uphold the French "republican" ideal of secular government by banning head scarves and other overt religious displays in public.
The United States has typically been friendlier to faith. The form of liberalism embodied in its Constitution is pluralistic, not monistic. It tolerates broad differences among citizens about the highest good, and assumes that claims to metaphysical truth will proliferate under conditions of political freedom. The last thing a pluralistic liberal would do is seek to stamp out these religious and moral differences in the name of homogenous adherence to a single vision of the good.
One can see this pluralistic version of liberalism at work in the United States today in the push to pair same-sex marriage laws with statutes to protect the religious freedom of traditionalists who oppose gay marriage. It can also be seen in efforts to give ObamaCare exemptions to churches and church-affiliated organizations that oppose contraception on religious grounds.
In case there's any doubt: I support gay marriage, and I have no objection to birth control. But I also believe that a free society should permit its members to disagree on these issues. And that when liberals use the government's coercive powers to force believers to change their views or act against their most deeply held spiritual convictions, liberals (paradoxically) commit an act of illiberalism.
In such cases, the government stamps out differences in the name of respecting differences. After all, a traditionalist Christian, Jew, or Muslim ceases to be a traditionalist the moment he or she is made to endorse behavior or beliefs that traditionalist Christians, Jews, or Muslims hold to be wrong. That is something that no genuine liberal should be comfortable doing.
Unfortunately, too many contemporary liberals seem perfectly comfortable doing exactly that. Emboldened by their victories in the push for gay marriage and relishing the reversals of the religious right in recent years, they seem all too willing to compromise their principles for the sake of what they hope will be total victory in the culture war.
They would be truer to their highest ideals if they took a stand for tolerance and pluralism, and if they responded to the setbacks of their opponents with a bit more magnanimity — recognizing that few things in politics are more ephemeral than so-called total victories.
Sign up for Today's Best Articles in your inbox
A free daily email with the biggest news stories of the day – and the best features from TheWeek.com
Damon Linker is a senior correspondent at TheWeek.com. He is also a former contributing editor at The New Republic and the author of The Theocons and The Religious Test.
-
Jaguar's stalled rebrand
In the spotlight Critics and car lovers are baffled by the luxury car company's 'complete reset'
By Abby Wilson Published
-
What the chancellor's pension megafund plans mean for your money
Rachel Reeves wants pension schemes to merge and back UK infrastructure – but is it putting your money at risk?
By Marc Shoffman, The Week UK Published
-
Why Māori are protesting in New Zealand
A controversial bill has ignited a 'flashpoint in race relations' as opponents claim it will undermine the rights of Indigenous people
By Richard Windsor, The Week UK Published
-
US election: who the billionaires are backing
The Explainer More have endorsed Kamala Harris than Donald Trump, but among the 'ultra-rich' the split is more even
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
US election: where things stand with one week to go
The Explainer Harris' lead in the polls has been narrowing in Trump's favour, but her campaign remains 'cautiously optimistic'
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
Is Trump okay?
Today's Big Question Former president's mental fitness and alleged cognitive decline firmly back in the spotlight after 'bizarre' town hall event
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
The life and times of Kamala Harris
The Explainer The vice-president is narrowly leading the race to become the next US president. How did she get to where she is now?
By The Week UK Published
-
Will 'weirdly civil' VP debate move dial in US election?
Today's Big Question 'Diametrically opposed' candidates showed 'a lot of commonality' on some issues, but offered competing visions for America's future and democracy
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
1 of 6 'Trump Train' drivers liable in Biden bus blockade
Speed Read Only one of the accused was found liable in the case concerning the deliberate slowing of a 2020 Biden campaign bus
By Peter Weber, The Week US Published
-
How could J.D. Vance impact the special relationship?
Today's Big Question Trump's hawkish pick for VP said UK is the first 'truly Islamist country' with a nuclear weapon
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
Biden, Trump urge calm after assassination attempt
Speed Reads A 20-year-old gunman grazed Trump's ear and fatally shot a rally attendee on Saturday
By Peter Weber, The Week US Published