Simpson-Bowles 2.0: Is the new bipartisan deficit plan too conservative?
The highly regarded duo are asking for more spending cuts and fewer revenues


Alan Simpson and Erskine Bowles, the co-chairmen of President Obama's bipartisan deficit reduction panel, earned the good regard of centrist pundits in Washington, D.C., for proposing a fairly balanced plan in 2011 that included both new tax revenues and spending cuts. But a balanced plan was not to be: Obama's negotiations that year with House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) to reach a grand bargain foundered on their inability to reach a compromise. Still, the Simpson-Bowles plan endured as a rare beacon of common sense shining through the partisan miasma in Congress, and the two men have come to be seen as authorities on budget matters. As Steve Benen at The Maddow Blog explains:
[T]he original goal of Simpson and Bowles was to spread the pain around, creating a plan that neither side would love, but which would tried to make everyone feel the pinch in roughly the same quantities. Democrats and Republicans would complain, but they could stomach the package, the argument went, knowing that their rivals were sacrificing just about as much as they were. [MSNBC]
Now, Simpson and Bowles have returned with a new plan, on the eve of $1.2 trillion in scheduled spending cuts — known as the sequester — that will hit the Defense Department and discretionary spending programs. President Obama has called on Congress to pass a stopgap measure of modest spending cuts and new revenue, while Republicans have demanded that Obama replace the sequester solely with spending cuts to both discretionary and entitlement programs. Some have already hailed the return of Simpson and Bowles as a badly needed voice of sanity in the budget debate. The editorial board at USA Today says:
Please, would someone give Alan Simpson and Erskine Bowles an award already!...
The latest plan from Simpson, a former Republican senator from Wyoming, and Bowles, who served as President Clinton's chief of staff, usefully rattles the cages of both parties. Beyond the $2.6 trillion in deficit reduction already enacted, it calls for an additional $1.8 trillion in spending cuts, something Democrats resist, and $600 billion in tax revenue, something Republicans hate. [USA Today]
Liberal commentators, however, have pointed out that the original Simpson-Bowles plan had $1.50 in spending cuts for every $1 of revenues, while its sequel has a $3 to $1 ratio in favor of spending cuts. What happened?
Subscribe to The Week
Escape your echo chamber. Get the facts behind the news, plus analysis from multiple perspectives.

Sign up for The Week's Free Newsletters
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
Simpson and Bowles decided to use as their starting points the final offers that Obama and Boehner made to each other during the fiscal cliff talks at the end of 2012. In those negotiations, Obama asked for fewer revenues than what Simpson and Bowles had originally proposed. On the other side, Boehner asked for far more spending cuts than in the Simpson-Bowles plan. In essence, the latest plan from the venerable statesmen occupies the midpoint of what Obama and Boehner had offered, skewing the plan heavily toward spending cuts.
This is the problem of Washington's obsession with centrism, says Greg Sargent at The Washington Post:
[The plan] provides a useful window into the arbitrariness of Beltway conceptions of what constitutes the ideological "center." After all, the Boehner fiscal cliff plan raised taxes only on income over $1 million; the Obama offer raised taxes only on income over $400,000. Both of these are to the right of the balance Obama just won an election on: The expiration of the Bush tax cuts for income over $250,000. Yet these were designated the two ideological outer poles for the purposes of defining the debate. [The Washington Post]
The new plan also shows the extent to which Republican opposition to tax increases has shifted the goalposts, says Jonathan Chait at New York:
If the new Bowles-Simpson plan has any value, it is as a marker in the sheer power of Republican obstinacy. After all, since the first Bowles-Simpson plan came out, President Obama campaigned centrally on raising taxes on the rich as part of a debt-reduction plan and won a surprisingly comfortable re-election. And yet the center of the budget debate has moved sharply rightward. The distance between the first and second versions of Bowles-Simpson are an almost mathematical tabulation of the unequal interest the two parties have in compromising. [New York]
But while liberals may be disgruntled, Simpson-Bowles 2.0 may end up being killed by the side that would benefit the most from touting a supposedly bipartisan plan. Republicans, after all, have vowed not to raise any new revenue — which means the new plan is a non-starter for both parties.
Sign up for Today's Best Articles in your inbox
A free daily email with the biggest news stories of the day – and the best features from TheWeek.com
Ryu Spaeth is deputy editor at TheWeek.com. Follow him on Twitter.
-
Bombs or talks: What’s next in the US-Iran showdown?
Talking Points US gives Tehran a two month deadline to deal
By Joel Mathis, The Week US Published
-
Inside the contested birth years of generations
The Explainer Battles over where Gen Z ends and Gens Alpha and Beta begin remain unsettled
By David Faris Published
-
Art review: Jack Whitten: The Messenger
Feature Museum of Modern Art, New York City, through Aug. 2
By The Week US Published
-
The JFK files: the truth at last?
In The Spotlight More than 64,000 previously classified documents relating the 1963 assassination of John F. Kennedy have been released by the Trump administration
By The Week Staff Published
-
'Seriously, not literally': how should the world take Donald Trump?
Today's big question White House rhetoric and reality look likely to become increasingly blurred
By Sorcha Bradley, The Week UK Published
-
Will Trump's 'madman' strategy pay off?
Today's Big Question Incoming US president likes to seem unpredictable but, this time round, world leaders could be wise to his playbook
By Sorcha Bradley, The Week UK Published
-
Democrats vs. Republicans: who are the billionaires backing?
The Explainer Younger tech titans join 'boys' club throwing money and support' behind President Trump, while older plutocrats quietly rebuke new administration
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
US election: where things stand with one week to go
The Explainer Harris' lead in the polls has been narrowing in Trump's favour, but her campaign remains 'cautiously optimistic'
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
Is Trump okay?
Today's Big Question Former president's mental fitness and alleged cognitive decline firmly back in the spotlight after 'bizarre' town hall event
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
The life and times of Kamala Harris
The Explainer The vice-president is narrowly leading the race to become the next US president. How did she get to where she is now?
By The Week UK Published
-
Will 'weirdly civil' VP debate move dial in US election?
Today's Big Question 'Diametrically opposed' candidates showed 'a lot of commonality' on some issues, but offered competing visions for America's future and democracy
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published