The real problem with McConnell's impeachment rules
How the Senate Majority Leader has already succeeded in derailing the case against Trump
The principle behind guaranteeing a speedy trial is that the accused, then presumed innocent, should not endlessly languish behind bars for a crime he perhaps did not commit. But those ignorant of the concept might be forgiven if, first introduced to it via the rules proposed by Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) for President Trump's impeachment trial, they came away convinced it meant the proceedings must be done at double time, charging toward a verdict even if it requires marching straight through the night.
McConnell's proposed rules, to be voted on after amendments and debate Tuesday evening, have two chief features, of which the compressed timeline is but one. His dictate that each side — the House impeachment managers and the president's defense team — will have 24 total hours, to be used within three calendar days (up from the initially suggested two), to present their respective cases has won him the title "Midnight Mitch" as well as accusations of willfully obscuring the trial's content from the American people, most of whom (quite sensibly) will not track its proceedings at the very late or very early hours this schedule may necessitate.
This timeline is stupid. It is also willfully difficult. But it's mostly a mere annoyance. The 24-hour limit is the same as that used in former President Bill Clinton's trial in 1999. Arguments then were completed before the 24 hours were up, and the shifts in media coverage in the years since make hearings at even the smallest hours much less clandestine. The tweets and highlight videos and summary listicles will be there for us in the morning.
Subscribe to The Week
Escape your echo chamber. Get the facts behind the news, plus analysis from multiple perspectives.
Sign up for The Week's Free Newsletters
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
It's the other feature which poses the real problem: Under McConnell's rules — Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) will surely try to change them, though he is unlikely to succeed — witnesses may not be called and evidence collected in the House impeachment inquiry may not be presented unless approved in a vote taken after the 24-hour opening arguments are done and have been followed by 16 hours for questioning and four hours for deliberation. Four Senate Republicans have expressed an interest in hearing from witnesses, which would be more than enough to tip that vote in Democrats' favor, but we won't know their final decision until the arguments, questions, and deliberations are complete.
This plan has two major flaws. First, it will impede the impeachment managers' ability to make their most persuasive possible case because they won't know whether they'll be able to introduce documentary evidence and call witnesses as desired. That uncertainty is debilitating, as it would be in any attempted argument. Second, it will require the impeachment managers to use a significant portion of their 24 hours pushing for permission to bring in additional witnesses and documents instead of talking exclusively of their case against Trump. They'll have to leave off working to persuade the Senate of the president's guilt to make space for procedural disputes.
I have described consequences for the impeachment managers, but were this trial not already decided — in fact, if not in oath — the negatives here would apply to Trump's defenders, too. Had they any uncertainty about how the Senate might decide, the president's team would protest just as loudly as the Democrats. They too would denounce the hobbling effect of unpredictability which a delayed vote on witnesses and documents introduces to the preparation process, and they too would object to having to convince the Senate to allow summons of people and papers to bolster their case. They won't, because partisanship has already rendered the verdict.
Absent a realistic chance for different rules, it might be better (which is to say, still bad) if McConnell dispensed with the post-deliberation vote and prohibited witnesses and documents from the outset. What would be lost in the chance that the vote will go in favor of a better-informed trial would be gained in permitting the 24-hour arguments to focus solely on the case proper with a presentation undistorted by false hope of further evidentiary support.
Instead, whatever witnesses and evidence aren't allowed at trial will be endlessly examined on television news and Twitter, new bombshells dropping every hour and forgotten the next, all of us pretending deep interest in people whose names were new to us a day ago and whose import we can't quite remember, a papier-mâché of facts slurried together and shaped around the conclusions we've already reached.
Perhaps McConnell's short timeline for this largely pointless exercise is a mercy after all: If we can't get anything like justice, we might as well get it over with.
Sign up for Today's Best Articles in your inbox
A free daily email with the biggest news stories of the day – and the best features from TheWeek.com
Bonnie Kristian was a deputy editor and acting editor-in-chief of TheWeek.com. She is a columnist at Christianity Today and author of Untrustworthy: The Knowledge Crisis Breaking Our Brains, Polluting Our Politics, and Corrupting Christian Community (forthcoming 2022) and A Flexible Faith: Rethinking What It Means to Follow Jesus Today (2018). Her writing has also appeared at Time Magazine, CNN, USA Today, Newsweek, the Los Angeles Times, and The American Conservative, among other outlets.
-
Why more and more adults are reaching for soft toys
Under The Radar Does the popularity of the Squishmallow show Gen Z are 'scared to grow up'?
By Chas Newkey-Burden, The Week UK Published
-
Magazine solutions - December 27, 2024 / January 3, 2025
Puzzles and Quizzes Issue - December 27, 2024 / January 3, 2025
By The Week US Published
-
Magazine printables - December 27, 2024 / January 3, 2025
Puzzles and Quizzes Issue - December 27, 2024 / January 3, 2025
By The Week US Published
-
US election: who the billionaires are backing
The Explainer More have endorsed Kamala Harris than Donald Trump, but among the 'ultra-rich' the split is more even
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
US election: where things stand with one week to go
The Explainer Harris' lead in the polls has been narrowing in Trump's favour, but her campaign remains 'cautiously optimistic'
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
Is Trump okay?
Today's Big Question Former president's mental fitness and alleged cognitive decline firmly back in the spotlight after 'bizarre' town hall event
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
The life and times of Kamala Harris
The Explainer The vice-president is narrowly leading the race to become the next US president. How did she get to where she is now?
By The Week UK Published
-
Will 'weirdly civil' VP debate move dial in US election?
Today's Big Question 'Diametrically opposed' candidates showed 'a lot of commonality' on some issues, but offered competing visions for America's future and democracy
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
1 of 6 'Trump Train' drivers liable in Biden bus blockade
Speed Read Only one of the accused was found liable in the case concerning the deliberate slowing of a 2020 Biden campaign bus
By Peter Weber, The Week US Published
-
How could J.D. Vance impact the special relationship?
Today's Big Question Trump's hawkish pick for VP said UK is the first 'truly Islamist country' with a nuclear weapon
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
Biden, Trump urge calm after assassination attempt
Speed Reads A 20-year-old gunman grazed Trump's ear and fatally shot a rally attendee on Saturday
By Peter Weber, The Week US Published