How the Arctic became a geopolitical flashpoint
The UK is working with Nato allies in the Arctic Circle to prepare for potential Russian aggression

The Arctic is "fast becoming an area of intense focus for geopolitical competition", said Foreign Secretary David Lammy during his recent visit to the region.
Russia has long eyed control over the Arctic for its military and economic significance. During Lammy's visit to Norway and Iceland, he observed joint military exercises between the UK and Norway – a show of strength from Western allies in what is becoming an increasingly important strategic area.
Who owns the Arctic?
While no country owns the Arctic itself, there are eight countries whose territory extends into the Arctic Circle: Canada, Denmark, Norway, Russia, the US, Finland, Sweden and Iceland.
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These countries are members of the Arctic Council, which acts as a forum for cooperation in the region, although Moscow has largely been sidelined since the invasion of Ukraine. None of them is able to stake a claim to the area, but they can operate in their respective exclusive economic zones, which extend 200 nautical miles from their coastlines. Within this radius, they are able to extract natural resources, fish and build offshore energy infrastructure, among other things.
Why is the region so important?
The Arctic is a frontier between Russia and Nato nations; in particular, it's the only direct boundary between the US and Russia – the maritime border through the Bering Strait – making control of the Arctic strategically important for both nations.
Its global significance, however, goes far beyond just military worth. The Arctic is sought-after for its shipping routes and wealth of natural resources. Climate change is warming the area and could, in time, make it possible for ships to pass directly over the North Pole.
That is a particular attraction to both Russia and China, who could significantly cut down the distance their ships need to travel for international trade. Beijing has, in recent years, declared itself a "near-Arctic state", said Modern Diplomacy, and laid out plans for a Polar Silk Road that passes through the Arctic.
The area also holds vast quantities of untapped natural resources, including oil and gas, making it an alluring prospect for the world's superpowers.
Why is interest intensifying now?
In the next five years, the Arctic region is likely to warm 3.5 times faster than the rest of the world, according to the UN's World Meteorological Organization. That means more routes are opening up for trade and military vessels, and more natural resources are becoming accessible as the ice melts.
Nato allies are also acutely aware of the threat posed by Russian aggression, and the strategic importance of not allowing military control of the Arctic to fall into Vladimir Putin's hands, giving him access to the North Atlantic.
Klaus Dodds, geopolitics professor at Royal Holloway, told Sky News that less sea ice in the Arctic will likely attract "heightened commercial and military activity by third parties that are not allies of the UK, primarily Russia and China".
With the US no longer a "reliable ally", Russia will "continue to target critical infrastructure in the North Atlantic and European Arctic – all of which may be ever more accessible".
What is the UK doing in the Arctic?
Since it invaded Ukraine, Moscow has increased its presence in the Arctic, "further heightening the risk of confrontation", said Lammy, which is why the UK is taking "action to deter threats".
That action has included naval patrols alongside Norwegian ships, as well as a new AI monitoring scheme in conjunction with Iceland that can detect hostile state activity, said The Telegraph.
The Foreign Office said it has already used sanctions to prevent a Turkish-built Russian floating dock, which could be used to repair its nuclear icebreaker fleet in the Arctic, from being towed to its destination, leaving it floating in the Mediterranean.
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Richard Windsor is a freelance writer for The Week Digital. He began his journalism career writing about politics and sport while studying at the University of Southampton. He then worked across various football publications before specialising in cycling for almost nine years, covering major races including the Tour de France and interviewing some of the sport’s top riders. He led Cycling Weekly’s digital platforms as editor for seven of those years, helping to transform the publication into the UK’s largest cycling website. He now works as a freelance writer, editor and consultant.
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