Why QAnon will outlive Trump
The president is only incidental to what the conspiracy theory offers its followers
When asked recently by NBC's Savannah Guthrie to state his feelings about a popular conspiracy theory, President Trump gave an equivocal answer. "I know nothing about QAnon," he said. "I do know they are very much against pedophilia. They fight it very hard."
Trump's response was widely criticized, not least because it gave a very one-sided impression of the theory in question and its proponents, whose delusions it seemed to encourage. I am not entirely sure what else he could have said. If reports like this one are any indication, QAnon is far more important to millions of the president's supporters than, say, his party's attitude toward marginal tax rates. Trump needs QAnon.
A more interesting question is whether QAnon needs Trump. This proposition is, I think, harder to defend, for the very simple reason that the theory is only incidentally related to his bizarre political career. There is every reason to think that it or something like it will outlast him regardless of whether he wins re-election in November.
Subscribe to The Week
Escape your echo chamber. Get the facts behind the news, plus analysis from multiple perspectives.
Sign up for The Week's Free Newsletters
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
Both in outline and at the level of individual details (e.g., the involvement of the Clintons) QAnon resembles most of the conspiracy theories that have flourished in right-wing circles in my lifetime. Its most direct ancestor is said to be Pizzagate, which posited the existence of a cult that met under the auspices of the Democratic National Committee and a Washington-area pizza chain for the worship of Satan and the abuse of children, who were kept in basement dungeons, raped, and eaten by John Podesta and others. But Pizzagate was what the political scientist Michael Barkun has described as an "event" conspiracy theory, an attempt to make sense of a discrete situation — in this case, the admittedly bizarre reference to "Spirit Cooking" in an email exchange between Podesta and his brother Tony released by WikiLeaks in late 2016.
Whatever else it might be, QAnon is not an attempt to make sense of an event. It is not even a conspiracy theory of the best-known variety, those organized around the notion that a sinister group is attempting to gain control of a country or the world. Fantasies of this kind, which have been commonplace since the publication of the supposed Protocols of the Elders of Zion at the turn of the last century, reached the height of their influence in this country during the 1990s. There are good reasons to think that, in addition to a large number of 20-something Reddit and 8chan users, QAnon is supported by more or less the same people who were talking about the so-called "New World Order" 25 years ago.
What has changed? Has the creature from Jekyll Island retreated to its lair? Have the Trilateral Commission and the Council on Foreign Relations disbanded? Has globalization been reversed? Perhaps the genius of QAnon is that it is what Barkun calls a "superconspiracy" that synthesizes virtually every lunatic proposition beloved of the American far right: It proposes an alliance between pedophiles in Hollywood, Wall Street vampires, DNC occultists, left-wing street militias and the Jewish billionaires who finance them, crypto-Marxist professors, the Chinese military, Big Tech, and goodness knows who else in order to explain — what exactly?
This, which ought to be the crucial question about QAnon, seems to me strangely enough the least important one, both for proponents and for those of us trying to make sense of it. QAnon is lived rather than consumed. It cannot be falsified because it provides the basic conceptual technology by means of which its adherents experience reality. In this sense, QAnon is the answer not to David Icke but to the combination of dumbed-down academic postmodernism, MBA-speak, and therapeutic moralism that make up the worldview of our professional managerial class. It is not a theory or a set of beliefs but an entire social ontology.
This is why I think that QAnon is unlikely to disappear. It offers a complete picture of the world and a built-in response to the slow but inexorable financialization and digitalization of the economy, the collapse of the American industrial base, the decline in morality (however understood), the eclipse of religious, national, and other forms of tangible authority — above all, the total decentralization of power, which is not concentrated in the hands of a cabal or in the office of the presidency but dispersed among billions of individual participants in the globalized economic order.
This is the grounds upon which it is most deserving of criticism. Rather than provide the conceptual language for making sense of a world in which Jeff Bezos has roughly as much power to alter the underlying structures of globalized capitalism as an employee at one of Amazon's warehouses, QAnon offers a consoling narrative: the light-bringing Prometheus who will deliver the race of men from bondage, the world-spirit mounted on horseback who will master the world, the promised messiah who will lead the Fremen to victory.
This story is pernicious, not because it invests Trump with qualities he does not possess but because of its mistaken premise that a hero can save us from whatever we imagine are the evils of the age. It is not only false but self-exculpatory, every bit as much as the competing elite narrative of meritocratic know-how and woke ritualism triumphing over the dark forces of reaction. Both worldviews absolve their adherents of complicity and incuriosity.
I, for one, would rather be clear-eyed and despairing.
Sign up for Today's Best Articles in your inbox
A free daily email with the biggest news stories of the day – and the best features from TheWeek.com
Matthew Walther is a national correspondent at The Week. His work has also appeared in First Things, The Spectator of London, The Catholic Herald, National Review, and other publications. He is currently writing a biography of the Rev. Montague Summers. He is also a Robert Novak Journalism Fellow.
-
How Harris and Trump differ on education
The Explainer Trump wants to disband the Department of Education. Harris wants to boost teacher pay.
By Joel Mathis, The Week US Published
-
How to minimize capital gains tax on investments
The Explainer It can take a chunk out of your profits
By Becca Stanek, The Week US Published
-
Crossword: November 4, 2024
The Week's daily crossword
By The Week Staff Published
-
US election: who the billionaires are backing
The Explainer More have endorsed Kamala Harris than Donald Trump, but among the 'ultra-rich' the split is more even
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
US election: where things stand with one week to go
The Explainer Harris' lead in the polls has been narrowing in Trump's favour, but her campaign remains 'cautiously optimistic'
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
Is Trump okay?
Today's Big Question Former president's mental fitness and alleged cognitive decline firmly back in the spotlight after 'bizarre' town hall event
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
The life and times of Kamala Harris
The Explainer The vice-president is narrowly leading the race to become the next US president. How did she get to where she is now?
By The Week UK Published
-
Will 'weirdly civil' VP debate move dial in US election?
Today's Big Question 'Diametrically opposed' candidates showed 'a lot of commonality' on some issues, but offered competing visions for America's future and democracy
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
1 of 6 'Trump Train' drivers liable in Biden bus blockade
Speed Read Only one of the accused was found liable in the case concerning the deliberate slowing of a 2020 Biden campaign bus
By Peter Weber, The Week US Published
-
How could J.D. Vance impact the special relationship?
Today's Big Question Trump's hawkish pick for VP said UK is the first 'truly Islamist country' with a nuclear weapon
By Harriet Marsden, The Week UK Published
-
Biden, Trump urge calm after assassination attempt
Speed Reads A 20-year-old gunman grazed Trump's ear and fatally shot a rally attendee on Saturday
By Peter Weber, The Week US Published