Where was the liberal uproar over Obama's wars in the Middle East?
On the list of enormities inflicted on the Middle East by American policy in the last 20 years, President Trump's visa ban, for all its crudity, would not rate in the top 25


President Donald Trump's executive order on immigration was stupid and counterproductive.
Because of its broadness — it restricts the travel of citizens from seven majority-Muslim nations, reduces the number of refugees America takes in, and bars all Syrians from obtaining refugee status indefinitely — the order offended the conscience of many American allies. And because of its broadness, it is of no substantial security benefit whatsoever. And because it was rolled out with maximal legal confusion, it swallowed up sympathetic refugees in delays, or sent them home on return flights, and inspired a minor social and legal panic. And because it was rolled out with Trump's typically boneheaded explanation, it seemed to set the suffering of Christians against the suffering of Muslims and those of other faiths.
And in the panic it set off, including the surprisingly large protests around the country, it revealed something stupid and counterproductive about our politics as well. On the list of enormities inflicted on the Middle East by American policy in the last 20 years, this temporary visa ban, for all its crudity, would not rate in the top 25. And yet it occasioned more stormy dissent than any single American decision in that region except the beginning of the Iraq War in 2003. Why?
Subscribe to The Week
Escape your echo chamber. Get the facts behind the news, plus analysis from multiple perspectives.

Sign up for The Week's Free Newsletters
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
From our morning news briefing to a weekly Good News Newsletter, get the best of The Week delivered directly to your inbox.
Just consider the numbers involved. The U.N. estimates that that there is a global population of 65 million people displaced by war and persecution. Of these, approximately 21 million are refugees, over three million are asylum seekers, and over 40 million people are displaced within their own country.
If we scope down to where Trump's ban is most stringent, Syria, we find that there are 4.8 million Syrian refugees out of its borders, and nearly six million more displaced within the country. These are massive numbers, but U.S. refugee and visa policy affects only a minuscule number of them. The United States admitted 85,000 refugees in total last year, roughly the population of Nashua, New Hampshire. Only 12,486 of these were Syrians.
The truth is that if you want to protest U.S. actions that affect refugees in the Middle East, migration policies are relatively marginal to the problem, compared to America's foreign policy.
Of the seven countries in Trump's ban, the U.S. military is operating in all but one of them. The U.S. knocked over the governments of Iraq and Libya, creating instability and sectarian conflict across the region, including in Syria. The U.S. now bombs all three of those countries in an attempt to manage their internal political turmoil. In Yemen, the U.S. is a party to Saudi Arabia's unjust and hopeless war there, providing weapons, logistical support, and even help with refueling airplanes and targeting. The U.S. is even conducting a shadow war in Somalia. Surely if Muslim lives matter, they matter when they are being bombed by our planes, or when their country is being ripped apart by our proxies, or starved by the blockades we assist.
These policies wreck many more Muslim lives than Trump's executive order.
For instance, the Obama administration armed and trained "moderate Syrian rebels." It encouraged them by dangling the possibility of greater U.S. involvement later. These moderates groups, like the Nour al-Din al-Zenki movement, used CIA-provided weapons, including the TOWs missile system. Amnesty International has accused them of torturing their prisoners and even beheading children. By constantly looking for on-the-ground allies to support in Syria, but without ever intervening in a decisive way, the Obama administration merely prolonged the worst civil war in years.
Just by ending the war in Yemen alone, and adequately funding humanitarian relief efforts in that country, the United States could protect many from the dangers of war or starvation, preventing many tens of thousands of people from becoming refugees in the next six months, than it would have accepted under another year of Obama's policies.
Most refugees in the Middle East don't want to go to Germany and fulfill Chancellor Angela Merkel's hope that they might support graying Germans through their final years. Most of them don't want to go to the United States either. Most of them simply wanted a safe place to land until the wars end and they can go home. That means the most effective program for the welfare of refugees is creating peace and stability. It means the most effective support will come when we support countries in the region that host most of the refugees, and push diplomatic pressure on other gulf states to do the same.
So rage at Trump's idiotic executive order, and on behalf of the thousands of refugees and travelers it affects. It's stupid. But rage much more so that Trump continues the half-dozen military conflicts he inherited from Obama, the ones in which America killed scores of thousands and displaced millions more.
Sign up for Today's Best Articles in your inbox
A free daily email with the biggest news stories of the day – and the best features from TheWeek.com
Michael Brendan Dougherty is senior correspondent at TheWeek.com. He is the founder and editor of The Slurve, a newsletter about baseball. His work has appeared in The New York Times Magazine, ESPN Magazine, Slate and The American Conservative.
-
America's academic brain drain has begun
IN THE SPOTLIGHT As the Trump administration targets universities and teachers, educators are eying greener academic pastures elsewhere — and other nations are starting to take notice
By Rafi Schwartz, The Week US Published
-
Why is Musk targeting a Wisconsin Supreme Court race?
Today's Big Question His money could help conservatives, but it could also produce a Democratic backlash
By Joel Mathis, The Week US Published
-
How to pay off student loans
The explainer Don't just settle for the default repayment plan
By Becca Stanek, The Week US Published
-
'Like a sound from hell': Serbia and sonic weapons
The Explainer Half a million people sign petition alleging Serbian police used an illegal 'sound cannon' to disrupt anti-government protests
By Abby Wilson Published
-
The arrest of the Philippines' former president leaves the country's drug war in disarray
In the Spotlight Rodrigo Duterte was arrested by the ICC earlier this month
By Justin Klawans, The Week US Published
-
Ukrainian election: who could replace Zelenskyy?
The Explainer Donald Trump's 'dictator' jibe raises pressure on Ukraine to the polls while the country is under martial law
By Sorcha Bradley, The Week UK Published
-
Why Serbian protesters set off smoke bombs in parliament
THE EXPLAINER Ongoing anti-corruption protests erupted into full view this week as Serbian protesters threw the country's legislature into chaos
By Rafi Schwartz, The Week US Published
-
Who is the Hat Man? 'Shadow people' and sleep paralysis
In Depth 'Sleep demons' have plagued our dreams throughout the centuries, but the explanation could be medical
By The Week Staff Published
-
Why Assad fell so fast
The Explainer The newly liberated Syria is in an incredibly precarious position, but it's too soon to succumb to defeatist gloom
By The Week UK Published
-
Romania's election rerun
The Explainer Shock result of presidential election has been annulled following allegations of Russian interference
By Sorcha Bradley, The Week UK Published
-
Russia's shadow war in Europe
Talking Point Steering clear of open conflict, Moscow is slowly ratcheting up the pressure on Nato rivals to see what it can get away with.
By The Week UK Published